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EN
This paper refers to the gap between the liberal rhetoric and the reality of contemporary international relations. It maintains that liberalism remains a leading explanatory perspective, yet contemporary international affairs are too dynamic and too complicated to analyse them within liberal perspectives alone. In addition, liberalism tends to fall into dogmatism. Thus, the adequate analysis of today’s democracy, as well as the political and economic aspects of contemporary international relations becomes incomplete without a reference to some realist, constructivist and even postmodernist conclusions. The example of the East-Central European democratic transformation clearly illustrates this thesis. The liberal reforms in the region still clash with the illiberal attitudes inherited from the communist past. Additionally, liberal values are misconceived and misunderstood. The explanation of those processes reaches far beyond liberal confines, and even the analysis of the Eastern enlargement of the European Union would be more complete with some realist, critical theoretical or postmodernist remarks added to it.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy rozdźwięku pomiędzy liberalną retoryką a społeczno- polityczną rzeczywistością współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor twierdzi, że jakkolwiek liberalizm nadal zapewnia wiodącą perspektywę eksplanacyjną współczesne stosunki międzynarodowe są zbyt dynamiczne i skomplikowane aby można było zanalizować je wyłącznie w ramach liberalizmu, który zresztą popada w dogmatyzm. Z tego powodu, adekwatna analiza współczesnej demokracji oraz politycznych i gospodarczych aspektów współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych jest niepełna, jeśli nie uwzględnia pewnych wniosków ze sfery realizmu, konstruktywizmu, a nawet postmodernizmu. Przykład transformacji demokratycznej w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej doskonale obrazuje tę tezę. Liberalne reformy w regionie wciąż zderzają się z rygorystycznymi poglądami wywodzącymi się z socjalistycznej przeszłości. Liberalne wartości sąpoza tym zniekształcane i błędnie pojmowane. Wyjaśnianie tych procesów wykracza daleko poza liberalizm i analiza nawet samego wschodniego poszerzenia Unii Europejskiej byłaby bardziej wyczerpująca gdyby uwzględniła pewne odniesienia do realizmu, krytyki teoretycznej czy postmodernizmu.
EN
The article refers to Polish membership in the European Union and the liberal perspective of its analysis. The paper discusses the shortages of the liberal approach. The article accepts the liberal thesis regarding the opportunities that the accession to the EU opens up for Polish development. It notes the significance of the European mechanisms of regional cooperation. Nevertheless, the paper emphasises that the liberal perspective ignores the inequalities of power in the European Union and misses some serious tendencies, both at the level of the community and in the domestic politics, that impede the state’s development. Thus, the article refers to the limited competitiveness of the Polish economy and the state’s difficulties with the identification of its interests in the dynamic and variable international environment. It warns against the marginalization of Poland as “semi-peripheral” member of the European Union. The main conclusion of the paper is that the case of Polish membership in the EU is too complicated to close it in the liberal frameworks. The liberal perspective needs a realist correction. It is extremely important in the context of the challenges that Poland faces together with the crisis of the European integration.
EN
This article refers to Hans J. Morgenthau’s understanding of politics and its possible inspirations for the contemporary international relations. The author concludes that the previous rendition of Morgenthau’s political theory as a pure power politics becomes obsolete in light of the recent research on Morgenthau’s realism and Morgenthau’s concept of power and politics may still serve as an interesting point of reference while analyzing the problems of today’s world. Thus this article presents the concise vision of Morgenthau’s concept of politics, including his flexible and wide understanding of power, as well as tries to identify areas in contemporary international relations that could be analysed from the perspective of Morgenthau’s understanding of power and politics. It concludes that although Morgenthau’s realism could not be a general theory of contemporary international relations it is still an interesting point of reference in their analysis.
EN
In 1991 the regenerating country of Latvia had to face the consequences of Soviet occupation, including the "colonization" of Latvian grounds by the influx of hundreds of thousands Russians supplying the industrial plants, offices and politics of Latvian SSR. The way that Russians and Latvians have been through if it comes to the relations between them was not straight, if we take the accompanying internal conditions and international context into account. Surely it also has not been finished and still requires the will of dialogue from both sides. Giving the opportunity of gaining the citizenship by naturalization, supporting everybody who was interested in getting civic rights and aiming at social integration Latvia has answered positively the question about the future of Russian inhabitants of the republic and challenges that appeared after years of occupation.
EN
Hans Morgenthau's theses presented in his monograph Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace which shape the theory of classical realism in international relations still remain valid. Without a doubt, progressing globalisation and regional integration change the conditions in which the struggle for power takes place, but the essence of the international policy, that is states' realisation of their own interests, is still the core of international relations. In case of the European Union it certainly is not competition in its extreme form and European integration frames introduce its remarkable restrictions. However, until the Union has transformed into a federal mechanism resembling a state, any observer of international relations needs to include in their reasoning the national interests game played among its member states. The essence of the power defined by Morgenthau is evolving; the military factor is of far smaller importance today, though ignoring it would be a mistake. The economic elements of the power gain their meaning, including raw materials and new technologies. However, government's efficiency and diplomacy quality, stressed by Morgenthau, still remain exceptionally important. Contemporarily, they should be supplemented with the issue of the state's positive image on the international arena and problems that may be caused if it is lost. Other elements which still remain valid and which have been proposed by classical realism are rules for evaluation of power and mistakes committed at perception of other states' foreign policy, just as mistakes, characterised by Morgenthau, related to wishful approach to international relations and unwillingness to notice facts, if they do not mach our interests and visions. In case of foreign policy models proposed by Hans Morgenthau in his analysis, nowadays we can hardly speak of their pure form, and more and more often states actions on the international arena are a specific mixture of these models. However, the quintessence of states' behaviour typical for each of these models is still applicable. Also mistakes resulting from failure to recognise the nature of other states' foreign policies and wrong own policy implemented in response still exist. Hans Morgenthau theses and assumptions of classical realism stay useful for the Polish foreign policy, also as a signpost for analyses by the Polish diplomacy. Poland's geopolitical situation, including neighbourhood of two key international players – Russia and Germany, should stimulate a reasonable assessment of own power as well as the power and foreign policy type run by both neighbours. Only such assessment allows formulating objectives of the Polish foreign policy, which shall be correct and unbiased by wrong perception of the two players. Such an analysis is enormously difficult, especially in case of the Russian policy, which exists under different conditions than the German one, uses dissimilar instruments to compete for power and is not as predictable as the policy of the EU member states. So, if in case of the conservative German policy, if Morgenthau's typology were to be used, the Polish foreign policy shall only respond with a compromise and a search for options to adapt interests, then any reaction to the Russian policy must not only be based on looking for a compromise but it should also include, without giving up dialogue, elements of deterrence.
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