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PL
Ciało bez głowy”. Elita mniejszości muzułmańskiej na ziemiach bułgarskich na przełomie XIX i XX wieku  Wojna rosyjsko-turecka lat 1877–1878 zakończyła panowanie osmańskie na ziemiach bułgarskich, co równocześnie doprowadziło do wielkiej emigracji ludności muzułmańskiej. Osmańskie elity jako pierwsze opuściły odrodzoną Bułgarię. Urzędnicy, hodżowie, imamowie, oficerzy, posiadacze ziemscy, mieszczanie oraz inteligenci wyjeżdżali do Imperium Osmańskiego w obawie przed rozliczeniami za powiązaniami z dawnymi władzami. Następnie, po zjednoczeniu Księstwa Bułgarii i Rumelii Wschodniej w 1885 roku, doszło do nowej fali migracyjnej muzułmańskich urzędników, działaczy lokalnych oraz oficerów milicji z ziem Bułgarii południowej. W okresie 1879–1949, w 80% muzułmanie w Bułgarii byli drobnymi chłopami, 19% żyli w miastach i pracowali jako rzemieślnicy, jedynie 1% miał szanse zrobić karierę. Artykuł skupia się na trzech grupach elity mniejszości muzułmańskiej w Bułgarii, co koresponduje z tradycyjnym podziałem elit: polityczna (mufti), ekonomiczna (posiadacze ziemscy, kupcy, przedsiębiorcy) oraz intelektualna (nauczyciele – hodżowie).
EN
The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 led to the end of the Ottoman rule in the Bulgarian lands, which entailed a huge emigration of the Muslim population. The Ottoman elite was the first who decided to leave. Officials, hodjas, imams, officers, landowners, urban dwellers, and the intelligentsia moved to the Ottoman Empire out of fear of retaliation for having links with the former authorities. Additionally, after the Unification of the Principality of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia in 1885, there was a new migration wave of Muslim officials, local activists, and militia officers from Southern Bulgaria. As a result, in 1879–1949 about 80% of the Muslim population of Bulgaria were small farmers, about 19% lived in cities as craftsmen, and only about 1% had a chance to make a career as entrepreneurs or merchants. The paper will focus on the three elite groups who correspond with the traditional division of the elite: the political (muftis), the economic (landowners, merchants, entrepreneurs), and the intellectuals (teachers – hodjas).
PL
Modern Greek statehood began to take shape with the War of Independence that broke out in 1821 and continued with varying intensity for the next years. As a result of these events, the Greeks cast of the foreign rule, which for many not only meant separation from the Ottoman Empire, but also the expulsion of Muslims living in these lands. During the uprising, about 25 000 Muslims lost their lives, and a similar number emigrated from the territory of the future Greek state. The next great exodus of Muslims from Greek lands was related to the annexation of Thessaly by the Hellenic Kingdom, which was to a larger extent spread over time. Since the region was incorporated into Greece until the beginning of the 20th century, the 40 000-strong Islamic community had virtually disappeared.
EN
At the turn of 1850s and 1860s there was a serious discussion inside the Bulgarian Church Movement, which had fallen apart into four parties: national, pro-Turkish moderates, pro-Russian moderates and pro-Uniate. One of the most fervent debates took place between the journals “The Danubian Swan” (edited by Georgi Sava Rakovski, connected with the national party the Church Movement) and “Bulgaria” (published by the leader of pro-Uniate party Dragan Tzankov). The discussions focused on the topics pivotal for the Bulgarian national case: the relation of the Church Movement to the Ottoman Empire, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, the Catholic Church and the Great Powers (especially Russia and France), the problem of the Bulgarian cultural model, the medieval heritage and Christian dogmas. One of those topics concerned the relation of the Church movement to the Ottoman Empire – in general both journals declared loyalty to the Sultan, but the problem mainly concerned the Turkish censorship. “Bulgaria” and “The Dunabian Swan“ agreed that the Patriarchate of Constantinople is the main enemy of Bulgarian interests. Liberating the Bulgarian Church from Greeks was their primary goal. Tzankov wanted to realize this goal in cooperation with the Catholic Church, for Rakovski, instead, the Church Union would lead to the new enslavement of the Bulgarians, who would fall under the “yoke of Jesuits”. That problem was also connected with the search for an ally between the Great Powers: “Bulgaria” wanted to cooperate with France, which was the main patron of Catholicism in the World, whereas “The Dunabian Swan” tried to gain Russian support. The activists of the Church Movement realized that the Union will have a significant impact on the future of the Bulgarian culture. Tzankov was a proponent of the modernization of the Bulgarian society according to Western standards. Rakovski warned that the Union will be the beginning of the collapse of the Bulgarian nation and a betray of its age-old connection with the Orthodox Church. They proved these visions with historical examples – during the discussion the editor of “Bulgaria” created an alternative and false version of the Medieval history of Bulgaria, in which he tried to prove the existence of deep relations between Bulgarians and the Catholic Church. Another important part of the discussion between the journals revolved around Christian dogmas and was based on the old polemics about dogmas lasting since the 9th century between the Western and Eastern Christianity. The arguments used in the articles about the Church Movement by Rakovski and Tzankov only very rarely had a rational character, they were usually based on emotions, stereotypes and the Bulgarian sense of pride.
EN
The article describes problems connected with the idea of a cooperation between Orthodox Bulgarian population and the Catholic Church at the turn of 50s and 60s of 19th century. The Uniate Movement was founded by Dragan Tsankov, who started to propagate the idea of westernization of Bulgarians in the newspaper “Bălgariya” with the cooperation with the French missionaries from the Congregation of the Mission and the Polish emigrants from the Hôtel Lambert. The milieu of Dragan Tsankov firstly supported the Union in Kukush in 1859 and one year later leaded to the nationwide Union. These events played an important role in history of the Bulgarian Revival and development of the Church Movement. It contributed to the emergence of the Bulgarian exarchate (1870), which was a decisive step for the Bulgarian fight for political rights in the Ottoman Empire.
PL
Autor analizuje ewolucję wizerunku księcia (a później cara) Bułgarii Ferdynanda I Koburga (1887‑1918) w bułgarskiej twórczości satyrycznej z przełomu XIX i XX wieku: zbiorze opowiadań Baj Ganio Aleko Konstantinowa, poemacie satyrycznym Księga narodu bułgarskiego Stojana Michajłowskiego, wybranych opowiadaniach oraz felietonach Georgiego Kirkowa oraz karykaturach publikowanych w czasopiśmie humorystycznym „Byłgaran”. Niniejsze satyry stanowią zawoalowany komentarz nie tylko do aktualnych wydarzeń politycznych, w których Koburg brał czynny udział, ale i do zmieniającej się roli monarchy na bułgarskiej scenie politycznej oraz specyfiki bułgarskiego rojalizmu.The author analyses the evolution of the image of Ferdinand I, Knyaz, and later Tsar of Bulgaria (1887‑1918) in Bulgarian satire at the turn of the 19th and 20th century: a collection of short stories about Bay Ganyo by Aleko Konstantinov, the satirical poem Book on the Bulgarian People by Stoyan Mihaylovski, selected short stories and newspaper columns by Georgi Kirkov and caricatures published in the satirical periodical „Bulgaran”. These examples of satire are a veiled comment on not just current political events that Ferdinand I took an active part in, but also on the evolving role of the monarch on the Bulgarian political scene and the specifics of Bulgarian monarchism.
PL
Autor analizuje działalność muftich, jednej z najważniejszych instytucji administracji muzułmańskiej w Bułgarii w okresie Trzeciego stanu (1878–1944). Przedstawione zostały trzy przypadki: Afiza M. Mustafowa, Afiz Suleymanova i Sali Effendiego, które ilustrują szereg zjawisk związanych z funkcjonowaniem muzułmańskich autonomicznych instytucji w Bułgarii na przełomie XIX i XX w. Studia przypadków oparte są na materiałach z Centralnego Archiwum Państwowego Bułgarii w Sofii. The author analyses the functioning of the muftis in Bulgaria, one of the most important institution of the Muslim religious-administrative autonomy in that Balkan country during the Third State period (1878–1944). The presented three cases of Afiz M. Mustafow, Afiz Suleymanov, and Sali Effendi illustrated series of phenomenon linked to the functioning of mufti and Muslim autonomous institutions in Bulgaria in the turn of the 19th and 20th century. The case studies are based on the materials from the Central State Archive of Bulgaria in Sofia.
EN
The paper is aimed to present selected nineteenth-century theories about the origin of Muslims living in Bulgarian lands and to confront them with the present state of knowledge. The paper also presents concepts regarding two ethnic groups: the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims (the so-called Pomaks) and Turks.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie wybranych dziewiętnastowiecznych teorii o pochodzeniu muzułmanów żyjących na ziemiach bułgarskich oraz skonfrontowanie ich z obecnym stanem wiedzy o tym zagadnieniu. Opisano koncepcje dotyczące dwóch grup etnicznych: muzułmanów bułgarskojęzycznych (tzw. Pomaków) oraz Turków.
EN
During the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878) and the first months after that conflict about 500 thousands Muslims emigrated from Bulgarian lands, 250 thousands died because of hostilities, hunger, diseases and cold. The prewar number of Muslim population of Principality of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia decreased by about 50%. After the peace, the emigration of Muslims was still progressing – it is estimated that in 1878–1912 350 thousandsMuslims left Bulgarian lands. The paper concentrated on the main causes and effects of that phenomenon: a lack of career possibilities for the Muslim elites, the fear of retaliation for taking part in pogroms during the April Uprising, the so-called Agrarian Revolution, the defeat of rebellions against the new authorities, army recruitment and an inability to adapt to transformations of the Bulgarian society. There are also presented the attitude of Bulgarian authorities to these phenomenon, which had the pivotal meaning for the demographic structure of Bulgarian state: the percent of Muslims declined from 23,5% in 1879\1881 (for Principality of Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia) to 15% in 1905.
Prace Historyczne
|
2019
|
vol. 146
|
issue 3
517-533
EN
The article presents the problem of Muslim emigration from the Balkan states (Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, Romania, Montenegro) and other territories (Bosnia and Herzegovina), which were separated from the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century. The process is analyzed in the context of the power takeover by the Christians in these territories, and the main reasons for the Muslim exodus. These migrations in the Balkans led to a great transformation in the spheres of politics, society, and culture.
Prace Historyczne
|
2020
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vol. 147
|
issue 2
299-313
EN
The article discusses the federalist concepts of the Bulgarian economist Boncho Boev, formulated during the Bulgarian-Serbian rapprochement in 1904. The creation of a South-Slavic State would take place through the economic integration of Serbia and Bulgaria, which, by improving their economic position, would simultaneously strengthen their political situation and join Macedonia. Boev’s views are presented on the basis of speeches given during the Student Balkan Congress in Sofia on 6–8 March (22–24 February old style) 1904, and subsequently published in the Journal of the Bulgarian Economic Society as “Poseshtenieto na Srŭbski kral i srŭbsko-bŭlgarskoto sblizhenie” [The Visit of the King of Serbia and the Serbian-Bulgarian Rapprochement] and “Balkanskata federatsiia kato ideal na srŭbsko-bŭlgarskata mladezh” [The Balkan Federation as the Ideal of the Bulgarian-Serb Youth].
Prace Historyczne
|
2016
|
vol. 144
|
issue 1
119-135
EN
In the 1840s Hôtel Lambert started to operate in the Balkan Peninsula – they wanted to use the animosities between the Great Powers in the region to create international conditions to regain independence for Poland. One of the territories of their activity was Bulgaria, where they cooperated with the activists of the Church Movement: Neofit Bozveli and Ilarion Makariopolski. The specific character of the activity of  Hôtel Lambert in Bulgaria lay in the close relations with the Catholic Missionaries, with whom Polish agents were trying to realize their main purpose: to reach the union of the Church and to weaken the influences of Orthodox Russia in the Balkans. The main agent of Czartoryski in Constantinople, Michał Czajkowski, led to the escape of Neofit and Ilarion from the Athos in 1844 and organized the action of sending petitions about Bulgarian national rights to the sultan. The Polish involvement yielded important results for the development of the Bulgarian national movement.
Prace Historyczne
|
2023
|
vol. 150
|
issue 2
299-315
EN
With the fall of the sultan’s rule in the Balkans, the natural aspiration of the rural population was to take control over the lands belonging to the great Muslim landowners – in the case of Bulgarians and Serbs, the agricultural reforms implemented in 1880 became the fulfilment of these expectations. The comparative method was used to formulate the new conclusions on the property relations in these two South Slavic countries at the end of the 19th century, provide an indication of the characteristics of the Serbian and Bulgarian villages as well as to highlight the common features of both countries. An attempt will be made to define the factors that could have contributed to these differences and similarities.
Prace Historyczne
|
2021
|
vol. 148
|
issue 3
515-533
EN
The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 is traditionally called as the “Liberation War” by the Bulgarians. The conflict led to gaining freedom from the “Turkish Yoke” and started creation process of the modern Bulgarian state. The Turkish perspective on these events is significantly different. The War of 1877–1878 is remembered through the lens of the tragic experience of refugees (muhajirs) and the suffering of the Muslim civilians linked to the pogroms, emigration and exile. The paper will focus on the depiction of the fate of civilians during the conflict in contemporary Bulgarian and Turkish historiography, in which the topic is marked not only by the reliability of historical research, but also by the presence of stereotypes (as is the whole history of the 19th-century Christian-Muslim relations in Bulgaria).
Prace Historyczne
|
2021
|
vol. 148
|
issue 2
301-314
EN
One of the main goals of Serbian Uprisings was to banish Muslims from the Serbian lands. After creation of the modern Serbian state, Serbia’s status was still that of a half-autonomic province, and so its authorities tried to use agreements with the Sublime Porte to achieve this goal. Although Ottoman authorities repeatedly permitted the eviction of the Muslim population from the Principality, later on they did not implement the agreements, taking advantage of the weak Serbian position. In 1833, however, things changed: The Sublime Porte allowed the Serbian authorities to banish Muslims from their territory, including the six nahiyahs then incorporated into the Serbian state (Krajina, Crna Reka, Paraćin, Kruševac, Stari Vlah and Jadar with Rađevina).
EN
Bulgarian affairs in the second half of the 19th c. in Polish historiography since 1989In this article, we present an overview of research topics concerning the history of Bulgaria in the second half of the 19th c. and early 20th c. that have appeared in Polish historiography since 1989. We adopted the timeframe of 1848–1908. The two dates are not only of key importance for the history of Europe and Slavdom, but also for Bulgarians. 1848 was the year which saw the birth of Hristo Botev, one of the most prominent Bulgarian poets and national revival activists, while in 1908 Bulgaria officially declared its independence and the beginning of the third empire. We wanted to avoid writing historiographical overview articles which consist only of dry bibliographical lists and focus on the most important research trends which can be observed in the field of Polish studies on Bulgaria in the second half of the 19th c. Sprawy bułgarskie w drugiej połowie XIX wieku w polskiej historiografii po 1989 rokuW niniejszym artykule zostanie przeprowadzony przegląd tematów badawczych dotyczących historii Bułgarii w drugiej połowie XIX i na początku XX wieku, pojawiający się w polskiej historiografii po 1989 roku. Jako cezurę czasową przyjęto lata 1848–1908. Obie te daty mają nie tylko kluczowe znaczenie dla dziejów Europy i Słowiańszczyzny, ale także Bułgarów. W 1848 roku urodził się Christo Botew, jeden z czołowych bułgarskich poetów oraz działaczy odrodzeniowych, w 1908 roku zaś Bułgaria oficjalnie ogłosiła niepodległość i początek trzeciego carstwa. Autorzy chcieli zerwać z historiograficznymi artykułami przeglądowymi opartymi na suchym wymienianiu pozycji bibliograficznych, a skupić się na najważniejszych nurtach badawczych, tendencjach oraz zjawiskach, widocznych na polu polskich badań nad Bułgarią w drugiej połowie XIX wieku.
EN
The last twenty-five years of Polish humanities related to the history of the nations and countries of former Yugoslavia, their political and cultural relations with Poles, and unionism ideas in the second half of the 19th centuryThis paper presents an overview of the research topics that have appeared in Polish humanities since 1989 concerning the second half of the 19th c. history of the nations and countries which went on to create the Yugoslavian state after 1918. The period we chose is 1848 to 1908. Polska humanistyka ostatniego ćwierćwiecza dotycząca historii narodów i krajów byłej Jugosławii, ich związków polityczno-kulturalnych z Polakami oraz idei wspólnotowych w drugiej połowie XIX wiekuW niniejszym artykule zostanie przeprowadzony przegląd tematów badawczych dotyczących historii narodów oraz krajów, które po 1918 roku utworzyły państwo jugosłowiańskie, w drugiej połowie XIX, w polskiej humanistyce po 1989 roku. Jako orientacyjną cezurę czasową przyjęto lata 1848–1908.
Prace Historyczne
|
2023
|
vol. 150
|
issue 2
337-353
EN
The new Bulgarian state, which reappeared on the map of Europe in 1878, was inhabited by a multiethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural population. The unification of the national structure was treated as an important task being faced by the authorities in Sofia. Part of this demographic mosaic were Pomaks – Bulgarian-speaking Muslims whose number in the country increased after the Balkan War. Compared to the policies of other Balkan countries, Bulgaria had a relatively tolerant attitude towards Muslims, who were mostly Turks. The Pomaks were perceived by the state as Bulgarians who had cut themselves off from their ancestors. This attitude led to repeated waves of state repression throughout the 20th century, including the period of socialism. The article attempts to trace actions taken by the Bulgarian state to separate Pomaks from the Muslim tradition, which – although unsuccessful – left serious wounds in the historical memory of both Christians and Muslims.
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