The article presents Arthur Ransome, a British writer and journalist who spent the years between 1914 and 1924 in Russia and the Baltic states, reporting the political events for the British press. He was involved in ambiguous relations with the Bolshevik leadership on one side and with the British government and intelligence on the other.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia postać Arthura Ransome’a, brytyjskiego pisarza i dziennikarza, który w latach 1914–1924 przebywał w Rosji i państwach bałtyckich, relacjonując wydarzenia polityczne dla prasy brytyjskiej. Był on uwikłany w dwuznaczne relacje z kierownictwem bolszewickim z jednej, a rządem i wywiadem brytyjskim z drugiej strony.
The article discusses the image of the German and Austro-Hungarian intervention in Ukraine in 1918 in Ukrainian memoirs. While these works generally describe the policies of the Central Powers toward Ukraine as imperialist and dictated by the military and economic interests of the two states, only the most radical leftist writers fail to appreciate the role German and Austrian troops played in the removal of Bolshevik forces from Ukraine. Common and individual portraits of the military and political apparatus of the intervention forces differ depending on the political position of the writer. Those who viewed the repressive policies toward rural Ukraine from the perspective of the elites of Kiev discuss them only in abstract terms. In general, Austro-Hungary’s part in the intervention is described in less favourable terms than that of Germany.
Article examines the relationships between the Ukrainian statehood (national revolutionary of 1917-1921, Soviet and post-Soviet) and the Crimean Peninsula. Crimea had been incorporated into Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1954 because of economic reasons. After 1991, Crimea is a carrier of permanent troubles for Ukraine, however essentially, the conflict between Crimean Russians’ separatist movement and Kiev had been “neutralized”, thanks to the status of autonomy, stabilized in 1998. The Crimean Autonomy and its supporting Russian speaking population of Crimea is very disapprovingly viewed by national-oriented Ukrainians of the “continental” Ukraine. However, the local Crimean Ukrainians are mostly Russian-speaking and identify themselves with political aims of Crimean Russians. The attitude of Ukrainians toward the Crimean Tatars — third of three main important ethnic groups in the Crimean triangle of conflict — is very complicated. The Ukrainian state has not developed any consistent policy of readaptation Crimean Tatars and policy of Crimea’s integration with the rest of Ukraine. Whereas, it is a subject of a discussions among politicians, scientists and journalists.
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