The article suggests using the context of the latest neurocognitive research as a source of a new paradigm used in knowledge of theatre area analysis. It can be used in reinterpreting historical aesthetics of the performing arts and its cognitive-imaginative patterns. The analysis of Vsevolod Meyerhold’s practice, carried out with the use of contemporary works focusing on the topic of perception of emotions and movement and neuronal simulation rooted in the concept of the embodied cognition.
During the reigns of Augustus II and Augustus III (both Polish) – the Lithuanian Com- monwealth’s armies were modernized. As early as during the Great Northern War the armies were equipped with relatively modern military devices, and within the following decades efforts were made to keep the equipment in line with European standards. As far as the financial and organizational aspects were concerned, the most significant were the reforms of the Silent Sejm from 1717. Moreover, it was signalled that the military law should be thoroughly modernized by means of developing general and detailed codes determining the rules of military service and principles of everyday life for the soldiers of both Commonwealth’s armies. Although a few, or perhaps several drafts of such codes were developed, what finally happened was that the military law applica- ble in 1753-1755 was codified (three codes, two of which were prepared for printing by Samuel Brodowski), and foremostly, three new normative acts regulating the principles of organization and discipline in the Commonwealth’s army were issued. One of them was authored by Augustus II, who in 1698 announced new Military Articles. His son and heir to the Commonwealth’s throne, Augustus III made an attempt to modify those articles by means of issuing his own War Articles in 1749. However, it does not seem that they were widely adopted in the royal and Lithuanian armies or that they supplanted the articles of Augustus II. They shared the fate of an earlier attempt made by Augustus III in order to modify the applicable military law, i.e. the Articles for artillery issued in 1737. In fact, the only proof of their existence is the royal diploma establishing those articles stored in the National Archives in Cracow and reprinted in this article. I did not access any source materials confirming that the articles of Augustus III were presented to artil- lery officers in either royal or Lithuanian armies, or that they were ever applied in the court practice. From the preamble it may be concluded that the articles were published at the request of the head of the Polish artillery, Zygmunt Adolf Rybiński, and developed on the basis of the royal articles for artillery from the first half of 17th century. In fact, although there were numerous common elements with the articles issued by Władysław IV, their construction and number of paragraphs were different, and most importantly so were the definitions of disciplinary rules and the punishments catalogue. In fact, the articles of Augustus III were modelled upon the normative acts regulating the provi- sions of criminal law applicable in the Saxon army artillery. However, the obligations imposed upon the soldiers, the same as in the case of other military articles announced for the Commonwealth’s army since the mid-16th century and by the 1780s: loyalty to the King and the Commonwealth; absolute obedience to the King and all army superiors along with following their orders; diligent fulfilment of duties, especially during watch and war time; taking good care of military equipment; modest and proper behaviour within stationing and accommodation sites. The articles also regulated the principles of concluding marriages, which was only possible upon obtaining permission from the superiors. The articles also strictly prohibited initiating riots, brawling among the sol- diers, duelling, causing harm to the civilians, committing criminal offences, cowardice or desertion while facing the enemy, spying for the enemy and destroying public utility facilities along with mills, ploughs and bakery ovens both within the territory of their own and enemy countries. Failure to comply with the obligations and duties resulted in severe punishments, both financial and corporal, imprisonment combined with heavy physical work or even capital punishment.
In the first years of August III reign at the royal -electoral court a practice of celebrating not only the anniversaries of the ascension to the throne but also the birthdays and the name days of the king and the members of his family was formalised. Moreover, a public character was conferred to these celebrations. This served to create an appropriate image of the monarch among his subjects and as far as this aspect is concerned, the Wettins did not differ from other European rulers. The peculiar situation which arose in the Republic during August III’s reign consisted in the popularisation of the practice of celebrating the anniversaries of the election, coronation, birthday and name day of the king in such a way that they began to be celebrated as almost state ceremonies. The organisation of the festivities which were associated with these anniversaries ceased to be initiated exclusively by the royal court but they began to be organised also by ministers, senators and the people who managed the work of the judicial institutions whose officials convened every few months. Moreover, the custom of celebrating the name days and the birthdays in a sumptuous and even public manner became popular at the courts of magnates, whose rhythm of life began to be regulated also by celebrations of this sort. Therefore it is hardly surprising that also during Stanisław August’s reign the anniversaries of the coronation, birthday or name day celebrations continued to maintain the status of almost state festivities, celebrated not only in Warsaw but also in all the major state cities and the places were military units were garrisoned. The celebrations of the name day of the monarch assumed special significance because they fell on the day of the commemoration of St. Stanislaus, the patron of the Polish people as well as on the day of the Medal of St. Stanislaus which was established on 7 May 1765. The obligatory elements of the celebrations included votive masses, sumptuous dinners or suppers, bell ringing, volleys performed by means of cannons and other types of weapons, illuminations of the cities and fireworks.
The role played by the hetmans in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and in the armies underwent significant changes in the 18th century. The changes were mostly caused by the new legal conditions governing the hetman’s office, the creation of armies that were stable in terms of the budget, organization and composition but most of all by the long period of peace, which started as early in 1710. The hetmans were deprived of the influence over the matters related to the army financing (the so called “power of the pen”), and by extension, they were deprived of a significant source of income and the ability to affect the internal affairs of the state in an informal and unlawful manner. They kept, however, the so called “power of the sword”, or the command of the army; however, that power was rather limited in the times of peace. Between 1717 when the Silent Sejm approved the description of the hetman’s office and 1794 when the office was ultimately abolished, there 20 hetmans, including 9 in Poland and 11 in Lithuania. It was during that time that we witness the ultimate degradation of the hetman’s power. The process resulted from a combination of several factors. As of 1710, hetmans were no longer able to command the army during military campaigns, which was the purpose for which the office was established in the first place. Instead, they focused on conducting political activity. They were leaders of political parties, which were usually in the opposition to the king. After the Convocation Sejm of 1764, it became a necessity because the king initiated actions aimed at limiting the power of the hetmans. With the lost command over the army and the attempts to regain former competencies, hetmans became more of politicians than soldiers. On the other hand, the hetman’s bulawa became one of the most valuable ways to honor the people who were most active on the political scene.
This article discusses the relationship between choreography and improvisation, both in the context of the denotation of these two terms and the creative activities that they describe. While of key importance for the phenomenon of dance, both notions remain vague and are frequently presented as contradictory. Adopting an alternative perspective, this paper, firstly, offers an overview of the historical contexts that have shaped the contemporary forms of performance dance as well as non-European contexts. Thus, it provides the basis for exploring the extent to which the assumptions and ideas of improvisation (developed primarily in the second half of the 20th century in the United States) have been updated in contemporary practices. Secondly, the article analyses the relationship between improvisation and choreography. It is studied in terms of creative strategies employed throughout the production process, with a particular emphasis on the participants’ agency. Seeking to avoid value judgements and inaccurate labels, the author proposes a more frequent use of other terms such as a ‘dance artist’ and verbal nouns such as ‘choreographing’ and ‘improvising’.
This article discusses the journeys undertaken by 18th-century officers of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to European countries in their quest for professional education and military expertise. The phenomenon of military peregrinations gained momentum during the 18th century, becoming more popular than in the previous centuries. This development can be attributed, on one hand, to the profound crisis in Polish military affairs and, on the other hand, to the small size of the Crown and Lithuanian armies. Due to the difficulty in ascertaining the full extent of this phenomenon, this article is limited to an analysis of a representative sample of several dozen officers who embarked on such peregrinations between the 1720s and the 1780s. Notably, it was the Saxon army that emerged as the most favoured destination for Polish officers, this fact being intrinsically linked to the presence of the Wettin dynasty on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth’s throne. As for foreign armies, it was the French, Austrian, Prussian, and Russian contingents that were the most popular.
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W artykule zostały omówione podróże oficerów XVIII-wiecznych armii Rzeczypospolitej do krajów europejskich w celu zdobycia wykształcenia fachowego oraz doświadczenia wojennego. W XVIII wieku zjawisko peregrynacji wojskowych nabrało na sile w stosunku do poprzednich stuleci, na co wpływ miały z jednej strony głęboki kryzys wojskowości polskiej, a z drugiej ograniczona liczebność armii koronnej i litewskiej. Nie sposób oszacować skali tego zjawiska i dlatego w artykule ograniczono się do przedstawienia sondażowej grupy kilkudziesięciu oficerów, którzy od schyłku drugiej dekady do lat 80. XVIII wieku podjęli się takich peregrynacji. Najwięcej Polaków służyło w armii saskiej, co było związane z zasiadaniem na tronie Rzeczypospolitej Wettynów, a z armii obcych władców najpopularniejszymi były: francuska, cesarska, pruska i rosyjska.
The article, which refers to the research on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth’s military history in the 18th century and the crisis of Old Polish war art, presents the genesis, course and effects of the battle of Kowalewo of 5 October 1716. Epistolographic material, press and chronicle accounts along with plans of two battles constitute the source base. These primary sources were given a critical analysis, the acquired information being collated and verified in order to obtain a reasonably precise picture of the causes, course and consequences of the battle. The armed forces participating in the battle consisted of the military forces of the Tarnogród Confederation and the royal corps formed from Saxon and Polish regiments and banners, which made the battle fratricidal. About 9–10 thousand soldiers with 6 cannons fought on the side of the Confederation, whilst the royal army had 6,000–6,500 royal soldiers with 4–7 cannons. The confederates had numerical superiority, which was compensated by the advantage in artillery, firearms and better training of royal soldiers. It turned out that these factors were decisive, because the Confederate forces suffered a devastating defeat. After the battle, the group of Chrysostom Gniazdowski actually ceased to exist, and the second military unit commanded by Stefan Potocki withdrew to Mazovia. At least 1,500 or even over 2,000 confederates were killed or wounded in the battle. Another 610 were captured. The royal army also won six cannons and many military characters. The royal forces paid for their success with minor losses – probably only 132 killed and wounded soldiers. Although this battle should not have taken place due to the current ceasefire, its military and political effects were significant. As a result of the battle, the royal army regained full control over Kuyavia and Pomerania, securing the facilities of the troops protecting Warsaw. With the beginning of the Russian armed intervention, this led to the weakening of the confederates’ position in the ongoing peace negotiations, and, as a consequence, to the conclusion of a compromise agreement on 3 November 1716, which did not meet many of the demands of the Warsaw treaty.
The article attempts to assess the influence of magnates on the course of sejmiks in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth through the lens of the actions taken by Volyn voivode Jozef Kanty Ossolinski in late 1763 and early 1764 to push through decisions favorable to the party of the so-called republicans at the pre-convocation sejmik in Lutsk. Despite very intensive efforts and a great deal of material generosity, including the importation of several thousand liters of wine, these efforts failed due to the equally good preparation of political opponents – the ‘family’ led by the Crown huntsman Stanisław Czartoryski, supported by several other magnates, as well as the court militia and the Czartoryski rented nobility, who managed to dominate the sejm. Although Ossoliński managed to unite the republican camp, he failed to prevent first a brawl and profanation of the church, and then a division of the sejm into two circles sitting separately. At both instances’, deputies to the Convocation Sejm and extraordinary, so called “kapturowy” judges were elected, which meant that the struggle for political domination of Volhynia continued for another three months. In the end, it was the deputies appointed by the Czartoryskis who were declared legitimately elected, although it should be noted that three of them did not come to the convocation for political reasons. The article is based on hitherto under-utilized source material from the resources of archives and academic libraries in Poland and abroad, which has been critically evaluated using research methods characteristic of the discipline of history.
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W artykule podjęto próbę ocenienia wpływu magnatów na przebieg obrad sejmikowych w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów przez pryzmat działań podjętych przez wojewodę wołyńskiego Jozefa Kantego Ossolińskiego na przełomie 1763 i 1764 r. w celu przeforsowania na sejmiku przedkonwokacyjnym w Łucku decyzji korzystnych dla obozu tzw. republikantów. Mimo bardzo intensywnych zabiegów i dużej ofiarności materialnej, w tym przywiezieniu kilku tysięcy litrów wina, działania te zakończyły się fiaskiem za sprawą równie dobrego przygotowania się do kampanii sejmikowej przeciwników politycznych. To zwolennikom „Familii” kierowanym przez łowczego koronnego Stanisława Czartoryskiego, wspieranego przez kilku innych magnatów oraz milicję nadworną i szlachtę czynszową Czartoryskich, udało się zdominować sejmik. Ossoliński potrafił zjednoczyć obóz republikanów, ale nie zdołał zapobiec najpierw bijatyce i sprofanowaniu kościoła, następnie podzieleniu sejmiku na dwa obradujące oddzielnie koła. Na obu wybrano posłów na sejm konwokacyjny i sędziów kapturowych, co sprawiło, że walki o zdominowanie polityczne Wołynia trwały jeszcze trzy miesiące. Ostatecznie to posłowie wyznaczeni przez Czartoryskich zostali uznani za prawomocnie wybranych, choć należy podkreślić, że trzech z nich nie przybyło na konwokację z przyczyn politycznych. Artykuł został oparty na relacjach o przebiegu sejmiku i inauguracji sądów doby bezkrólewia, słabo dotychczas wykorzystany materiał źródłowy z zasobów archiwów i bibliotek naukowych w kraju i za granicą, który został poddany krytycznej ocenie z wykorzystaniem metod badawczych, charakterystycznych dla dyscypliny historia.
In the research on the dissolution process and the legacy of the monasteries suppressed in the territories of the former Republic of Poland, annexed by Russia between 1772 and 1815, of incalculable value is the archival heritage of the Roman Catholic Section of the Department of Religious Affairs of Foreign Denominations at the Ministry of Internal Affairs (fond no. 821, description 125), kept at the Russian State Historical Archive in St. Petersburg (Российский Государственный Исторический Архив). The bulk of the records it comprises concerns the allocation of the monastery property seized in the 1830’s by the state: buildings, land, capital, and movable property, including archives and library collections. The tsarist administration initially did not recognise the material and cultural value of the latter, but as soon as in 1830’s it revised its stance. Having become acquainted with the former library collections, the officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of State Domains and the guberniya administration discarded the idea – put forward by the treasury offices – of selling off the books at public auctions, arguing it was rather unfortunate. After the claims lodged by the Roman Catholic Church, the Orthodox Church, and the Ministry of Public Enlightenment were taken into consideration, it was decided that the former monastery book collection be distributed among theological academies, Roman Catholic parishes and seminaries, secular schools, and public libraries. The decision was taken between late 1830’s and early 1840’s, and the local administration was entrusted with its execution. Not all books from the monastic libraries were eventually transferred to the institutions they had been designated for. A certain part was subjected to preventive censorship by the guberniyas committees. They isolated from the collections the books of political nature discussing the history of the state and law in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the history of the Roman Catholic Church, as well as theological works which criticised denominations different from Catholicism: not only the Orthodox faith, but also the Protestant ones. The extant records barely allow to estimate what part of the monastic collections underwent this sort of preventive censorship. In the Vilnius, Minsk, Grodno, and Białystok general governorates, over a hundred books with dissident – by tsarist officials’ reckoning – content were removed from the collections of 17 former monastery libraries alone. The model adopted in 1842 was used in years to come as well, thus increasing the number of books submitted to preventive censorship. It remains unknown whether they were scrutinised by censorship officials and what decision was finally taken as to their fate; further archival research would be needed to verify it. This could undoubtedly be facilitated by an annex providing a list of books subject to preventive censorship in the Vilnius general governorate in 1842.
W artykule przedstawiona została na tle kompetencji urzędy hetmańskiego dokumentacja wytwarzana przez kancelarie wojskowe działające przy hetmanach Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w XVIII w. Na początku tego stulecia w do największego rozrostu władzy buławy w całej historii istnienia urzędu. Nastąpiło to w sposób nieformalny, a na dodatek towarzyszyły liczne nadużycia ze strony osób dowodzących armiami koronną i litewską, co sprawiło, że w zatwierdzonych na sejmie 1717 r. konstytucjach, a przede wszystkim traktacie warszawskim pojawiły się zapisy ograniczające władzę hetmanów. Jednak tylko w niewielkim stopniu i dalej hetmani posiadali rozległe kompetencje, które zapewniały im pełnię władzy administracyjnej i sądowniczej nad wojskiem. Utrzymali ją do połowy lat 60. XVIII w. a dowodzi tego dokumentacja wojskowa wytworzona przez kancelarię działające przy hetmanach. W artykule omówiono tę dokumentacją, co do której nie można mieć wątpliwości, że miała charakter publiczny. Do pierwszej grupy zaliczoną dokumenty i akta związane z władzą administracyjną hetmanów: wydawane przez nich lub zatwierdzane regulaminy, przede wszystkim organizacyjne, rozkazy hetmańskie, przesyłane z oddziałów raporty o stanach osobowych, wyposażenia, czy ruchach kadrowych itp. Kolejna grupa, to dokumentacja finansowa związana z utrzymaniem obu armii (w tym także oddziałów noszących nazwę hetmańskich) i urzędu hetmańskiego. Do trzeciej zaliczono akta i korespondencję powstałą z związku z prowadzoną przez hetmanów działalnością dyplomatyczną. Do czwartej - wszelką dokumentację związaną z władzą dyscyplinarną i sądowniczą hetmanów, a do piątej - korespondencję służbową prowadzoną przez hetmanów z podkomendnymi, jak też z królem, ministrami i ważniejszymi urzędnikami państwowymi. Bogate w materiał źródłowy zachowane spuścizny archiwalne po hetmanach: Adamie Mikołaju Sieniawskim, Janie Klemensie Branickim, Michale Kazimierzu Radziwille oraz trzech przedstawicielach rodu Rzewuskich sprawujących w XVIII w. ten urząd, pozwalają stwierdzić, że dokumentacja wojskowa powstawała jako publiczna i w takim charakterze podlegała procesom archiwotwórczym w kancelariach hetmańskich. Zapewne za życia hetmanów dokumentacja wojskowa przechowywana była oddzielnie od pozostałych dokumentów i akt o charakterze publicznym, a tym bardziej prawno-majątkowych i rachunkowo-gospodarczych. Po śmierci hetmana zazwyczaj jednak ich spadkobiercy przestawali otaczać dokumentację wojskową specjalną troską, a traktując ją jako prywatną część masy spadkowej, dołączali do reszty pozostałej po zmarłym spuścizny aktowej, poddając ją wstępnym procesom archiwizacji. W konsekwencji tzw. archiwa hetmańskie zaczęły być traktowane jako prywatne, choć powstały jako publiczne. Dowodzi tego zmiana procesu archiwotwórczego zachodzącego w przypadku dokumentacji wojskowej po połowie lat 60. XVIII., gdy hetmani utracili realną władzę nad armiami Rzeczypospolitej na rzecz Komisji Wojskowej Koronnej i Komisji Wojskowej Litewskiej. Cała dokumentacja wojskowa zaczęła być wytwarzana i gromadzona w kancelariach najpierw komisji wojskowej, następnie Departamentu Wojskowego Rady Nieustającej i w końcu Komisji Wojskowej przy Straży Praw - instytucji, co do których nie ma wątpliwości, że były publiczne.