Researchers of the sixteenth-century European diplomacy discuss diplomatic networks and daily life activities of ambassadors conditioned by the development of residential diplomacy. At the same time, historians of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth study diplomatic phenomena of a different kind since a resident mission system was not developed in Poland-Lithuania. The practice of temporary legations persisted and led to the development of distinctive features of envoys’ diplomatic activities during their missions. It also is possible to see different circumstances when looking into the question of the professionalization of Polish-Lithuanian diplomats and their personal qualities relevant to their diplomatic missions. The study of this problem reveals that, in the case of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, a relatively strong patron-client relationship occurred as well as close links between the patronage system and organisation of diplomatic activities. Research into the practice of assigning envoys to diplomatic missions makes it possible to establish that almost all lower-rank envoys between the midand last decade of the sixteenth century were clients of the Radziwill family, dominating the political life of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at that time. One of the main tasks of the Radziwill clients nominated as diplomatic envoys was to supply information to their patrons. At the same time, we can also see an attempt to control diplomatic communications with foreign countries. This group of Radziwill clients, who performed various diplomatic missions, is the subject of the analysis presented in this article. I try to determine here the reasons for appointing particular clients as foreign envoys and see how their diplomatic functions influenced their future careers.
Przedmiotem artykułu jest praktyka zastawiania dóbr wielkoksiążęcych w latach 1502–1522. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na rodzaje zastawów oraz zasady dysponowania zastawionym majątkiem. Badania wykazały, że w omawianym okresie dominowały umowy bezterminowe. Ten rodzaj zastawu dawał wierzycielom możliwość korzystania z całego dochodu z zastawionej domeny przez czas nieokreślony. Umowy na czas określony, umożliwiające korzystanie z zastawu przez kilka lat, korzystniejsze dla skarbu państwa, były stosunkowo rzadkie i najczęściej miały miejsce w przypadku odnowienia wcześniejszego kontraktu lub zmiany wierzyciela, co pozwalało na zmianę wcześniejszych warunków.
EN
The article focuses on the practice of grand-ducal demesne pledging in 1502–1522. Close attention is paid to pledge deed types and the rules of the disposition of the pledged property. The research demonstrates that open-ended contracts prevailed during the discussed period. This type of deed allowed the creditors to use the entire income of the pledged property for an indefinite period. Fixed-term agreements limiting the use of the pledged property for several years and more beneficial for the treasury were relatively rare. They primarily occurred when a former contract was being renewed, or a creditor changed, making it possible to modify the earlier provisions.
Straipsnyje aptariami Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės politinio elito atstovų – aukščiausių valstybės pareigūnų diplomatiniai ryšiai su Maskvos valstybe trečiuoju tarpuvaldžiu: analizuojamas jų pobūdis Abiejų Tautų Respublikos monarcho rinkimų 1587 m. problematikos kontekste; nagrinėjami įvairūs diplomatinių ryšių organizaciniai aspektai, keliant valstybės reprezentacijos interregnum laikotarpiu su užsienio šalimis problemą bei su ja susijusius politinės lyderystės, diplomatinės veiklos prerogatyvų ir kompetencijų klausimus. Greta svarstomos ir unijos partnerystės, determinuoto diplomatinės veiklos koordinavimo su Lenkijos atstovais klausimai, sprendžiant tuo metu aktualias santykių su Maskva problemas.
New practice of the representation of the state based on the former tradition of diplomatic activity was formed in the first interregnums. State officers of the GDL assumed the functions of the sovereign, on the highest level collectively representing the country in the course of the diplomatic relations with the state of Muscovy. Muscovy maintained both official and semi-official diplomatic contacts with the representatives of the GDL political elite, thus unconsciously acknowledging their prerogative to represent the state. Pre-union practice of parallel diplomatic connections, utilized by members of the GDL Council of Lords and Muscovy barons, served as the formal basis for the abovementioned not regulated diplomatic contacts with the Muscovite Court. However, the diplomatic relations maintained on the highest level not only transcended the tradition of parallel contacts, but also contradicted an important attitude of diplomatic representation, stating that the principle of hierarchy should be followed in intercommunion, strictly observing existing levels of authority in respect of each other. Until the Union of Lublin it functioned as the organizational system of Lithuanian-Muscovian cross-border relationships: the monarch of Muscovy would only contact the sovereign of Lithuania, members of the Boyar Duma exclusively communicated with members of the Lithuanian Council of Lords, Metropolitan of Muscovy cultivated relations with the Bishop of Vilnius, etc. The Court of the Muscovian Monarch decided to allow compromises in the then applicable principles of cross-border relationships when pursuing the implementation of Ivan IV’s plans to become the Monarch of the Republic. Seeking acceptance in the environment of the GDL political elite, the ruler of Muscovites found himself under the necessity to make allowances with regard to the principles of the hierarchical diplomatic relations and maintain direct communication with the Lithuanian political elite. These “allowances” were only valid in the period of the interregnums, as the customary order was re-established after the election of the new Monarch of Poland and Lithuania which prescribed that GDL and Polish officers on their behalf would directly contact representatives of the Court of the Muscovian Monarch of the corresponding rank. With a view to conceal the practice of direct not inter-sovereign connections that was considered disgraceful to the Sovereign on the grounds of diplomatic traditions observed at that time in the State of Muscovy, it was maintained that the contacts were cultivated on the basis of the future subordination of the representatives of the GDL political elite to Ivan IV. The new practice of private or semi-private contacts between individual officials of the GDL and Muscovite diplomatic representatives that had not been sanctioned by the former tradition and that was cultivated in the second interregnum period may be associated with Ivan IV’s dynastic ambitions. Formerly hardly imaginable informal meetings of Muscovite diplomatic representatives delegated on behalf of Ivan IV and representatives of the GDL political elite aimed at the negotiations regarding the preservation of current political status of the representatives of the Polish and Lithuanian political elite in case of the election of the Muscovite Monarch, can also be associated with the process of the establishment of subordination-based relations. However, despite the subordination-based relations projected from the Muscovite side, full-fledged diplomatic communication was maintained in the period of the first interregnums, and the connections between the Muscovite Court and “gentlemen assessors” sustained all essential elements characteristic of the level of cross-border relationships. This fact is confirmed not only by the official authorities of representation bestowed on the diplomatic representatives of both sides, but also by the structure of the diplomatic ceremonial, characteristic of the prior cross-border communication. To tell the truth, state officials of both Poland and Lithuania, due to their lower social status, were viewed as hierarchically unequal partners of diplomatic contacts and thus norms of diplomatic communication as well as accompanying elements of diplomatic ceremonial intended for representatives of the countries of lower rank were employed in their respect.
Contemporary research of the practice of diplomatic contacts pays particular attention to the performative aspects of diplomatic communication i.e. patterns of behaviour formed with the help of ceremonies and rituals performed in the course of these ceremonies as well as ideological discoures which give a sense to them. The significance of the ceremonial as a model of communication and the norms of diplomatic intercourse in the relations between the GDL and Moscow cultivated at the summit – monarchal – level have been analysed from various perspectives in the author’s previous publications. This article focuses on the analysis of the topics in the international relations of a lower level – the contacts between the Council of Lords of the GDL and the Council of Noblemen of the Grand duke of Moscow. Even though the contacts with the Muscovite political elite cultivated in the name of the Council of Lords were not intense, they would undergo revival in the periods of complicated international relations and perform the functions of the resumption of relations in the periods of international conflicts and the tentative talks organized prior to the summit meetings. Normally the correspondence between the representatives of Lithuanian and Muscovite political elite would be resumed as the period of truce was approaching its end and initiated by one or the other side on the inter-institutional level or in the name of concrete influential individuals in pursuance of a more personal character of the communication. This practice of diplomatic interaction corresponded to the format of a semi-official channel of contacts. The tradition of parallel diplomatic contacts was formed in its course – the character of the issues tackled by the representatives of the political elite of the states as well as norms and forms of communication manifesting certain specifics. It is possible that the experience gained by the members of the state’s councils participating in diplomatic activities and representing their monarchs formed the basis for the practice of parallel diplomatic contacts and consequently the tradition of expertise of activities in the field of foreign politics. In the case of the Council of Lords the latter was granted legal basis starting with 1492 whereas the role of the councillors of the Grand duke of Moscow in this field was given a sense in the provisions of political ideology and the idea of counsel can be considered the element of ideological provisions that is most relevant to the analysed topic. In the period in question there obtained the view that the Grand duke had to confer with his supreme councillors in order to make weighty and reasonable decisions and, if required, transfer the responsibility for false and reckless actions on his councillors. In the Muscovite ideological literature some of the monarch’s councillors were referred to as honest, fair and capable of advising the monarch in a wise way so that he was bound to succeed and others – as mean, wicked and evil-minded. The former would give good and prudent recommendations and the monarch who followed them would do well. The latter, however, would induce the ruler to take a wrong step. According to political literature all successful actions of a sovereign were the result of a good piece of advice heard from the lips of a wise councillor. Failures and errors would be attributed to the evil-minded councillor. Although the said ideas were not given prominence in the writings of the GDL of the period in question, the materials derived from the correspondence that took place in the course of parallel diplomatic contacts suggest that the concepts of good and ill advice as well as those of good and ill councillor were relevant to both sides. Both countries would not only constantly emphasize the importance of a wise piece of advice to the monarch but also make appeals to Christian ethics. The repeatedly declared primary aim of parallel diplomatic contacts – reconciliation of the monarchs – as the frequent references in diplomatic rhetoric suggest, could have been achieved exclusively with the help of fair and wise pieces of advice. Thus, this attitude was employed to highlight the worthiness of a councillor initiating the resumption of diplomatic relations between the councils. The attitude that people’s behaviour and their decisions were conditioned by others and their recommendations was anchored in people’s minds in the period in question and evoked in the cases when the responsibility for poor decisions was transferred from the monarch on to his councillors. In the midst of the conflict of 1500–1503 Jan Zabrzeziński in his letter to Jakov Zacharjin did not blame the Grand duke of Moscow for the invasion into the GDL alleging that it must have happened because of an ill piece of advice and the councillors of Ivan III should have been named responsible for it. In response to the reproaches Jakov Zacharjin shifts the blame on the other side yet emphasizing the importance of recommendations. The transfer of responsibility on to the councillors based on the concept of good and ill councillors as well as good and ill advice implicated not only the attitudes suggested by Christian ethics but also weighty provisions of these diplomatic contacts echoing the functions of parallel diplomacy. Alongside the aforementioned function of diplomatic signal – dissemination of information and declaration of positions – other international issues related to the problems of hierarchal relation, supremacy and preferment were also tackled via the lower level diplomatic contacts.
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