Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 18

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The proposed bill requires further legislative work. The author of the opinion critically assesses the idea of a special register of sex offenders, claiming that the manner of its implementation, the scope thereof, the conditions of use and stigmatization of people entered therein, due to the impossibility of expungement of record for certain offenses, may raise doubts as to the nature and the proportionality of this protective measure. In addition, doubts are raised as to the possibility of applying the registry against the perpetrators finally sentenced before its entry into force and the imposition of this measure irrespective of the degree of fault and social harmfulness of the act, as well as neglecting the need to individually influence the perpetrator.
EN
The opinion deals with the proposed amendments to the Code of Criminal Procedure and the Code of Procedure in Cases of Misdemeanour, which relate to the right of a party who is not the defendant (e.g. the injured party and subsidiary prosecutor) to appoint a representative. According to the bill, such a representative would be, not only barrister or solicitor, but also a person closest to the party. According to the author, participation of a non‑professional representative in penal process would lead to a risk that he/she would undertake legal actions to the detriment of the principal and that he/she would guided by loyalty to the principal, rather than by knowledge of law. He also notes that information disclosed to a non‑professional representative would not be protected by solicitor‑client privilege.
EN
The author argues that the proposed provisions of Article 126c of the Penal Code – inasmuch as it penalizes the person who publicly and contrary to facts denies the crimes of genocide – should be assessed negatively. The expert points out that the content of the above-mentioned provisions is partly covered by personal and material scope of regulation of the current provisions of Article 55 of the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance as it concerns the denial of the crime against peace, humanity. He also claims that the proposed provisions concerning the offence of negationism, by making reference to “act of genocide” (whose elements are specified in Article 118 of the Penal Code), provides for too broad scope of penalization.
EN
The author points out that the possibility of access to evidence in the course of work of the Constitutional Accountability Committee depends on the consent of a body conducting the proceedings, i.e. Constitutional Accountability Committee. According to him, the Committee is obliged to make all evidence (including classified information) accessible to the person subject to initial application and his/her defence council. Nevertheless, he emphasizes that access to evidence composed of classified information should be provided in the office for confidential documents of the Chancellery of the Sejm. In the authors view, the defence council should not be required to have an adequate security clearance level or a valid certificate of training in the field of classified data protection.
PL
The right to remain silent is one of the most fundamental principles of domestic and international criminal law. It’s is also closely related to the presumption of innocence. As the responsibility is placed on the prosecution to prove the guilt of a person it follows that the accused should not be forced to assist the prosecution by being forced to speak. The right to remain silent expresses the individual’s right not to be compelled to testify against himself or to confess guilt. Its core component is the freedom to choose whether or not  to give answers to individual questions or to provide explanations. To use against the suspected silence under police questioning and his refusal to testify during trial amounted to subverting the presumption of innocence and the onus of proof resulting from that presumption: it is for the prosecution to prove the accused’s guilt without any assistance from the latter being required. This article has to objectives. Firstly, to interpret the right to remain silent in the light to of the Directive 2016/343 on the strengthening of certain aspects of the presumption of innocence and of the right to be present at the trial in criminal proceeding. Secondly, the  Directive 2016/343 can be used as reference to evaluate a degree to which Polish legal solutions conform to the Directive in question, giving rise to several postulates  in  that  matter. The analysis will also include shortages and problems resulting from imperfect Polish criminal process in that field.
EN
The opinion is an answer to a question submitted by the Marshal of the Sejm, whether a former Deputy is still entitled to immunity protection in case of acts committed within the scope of the mandate. According to the author, the former Deputy (or a Senator) may be held responsible for actions violating rights of the third persons which took place during the exercise of the mandate of that Deputy, but only upon a permission of an appropriate house of Parliament. The author notes that the loophole in legislation should be filled by an amendment.
EN
The purpose of the opinion is to examine whether the preliminary motion for constitutional accountability action against former Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński for violation of Polish Constitution and the Penal Code meets the formal requirements for such motions. The author points out numerous formal defects of the preliminary motion and opts for their immediate elimination. Nevertheless, in his view, the existing deficiencies do not disparage the motion, as they may be corrected later.
EN
The author questions the proposal to amend the Act – the Penal Code by supplementing its content with an article criminalizing the use of violence – other than as to a person – obstinately or in a manner significantly impeding another person in satisfying their basic needs in order to compel that person to a particular action, omission, or endurance. He points out inadequate arguments used by the authors of the bill to prove insufficient protection of tenants against forced eviction. It was pointed out that the scope of the proposed provision is not confined to behavior aimed at forcing tenants to leave their apartments, but provides for coverage of all cases of persistent violence. The author favors the fact that, under the bill, prosecution of offenses referred to in Article 191 § 1 and 1a of the Penal Code shall be initiated upon request of the injured person.
EN
The article presents legislation on sex offenders in the USA, United Kingdom and France. The author discusses the nature of the registers and the role played by them in the strategy applied in selected countries to deal with sex offenders. He also provides an analysis of legal basis for establishing a register of sex offenders in Poland and offers proposals for legal solutions with a view to the future law.
EN
The decree of the State Council (Rada Państwa) of 12 December 1981 on martial law imposed martial law in Poland and ended Solidarity period in Polish history. Many Solidarity activists were imprisoned and sentenced on the basis of this decree. The penal provisions from this decree were often applied by judges on retroactive basis. The text analyzes the responsibility of judges for these commitments. The Supreme Court passed a sentence on this issue in 2007. The Supreme Court expressed an opinion that judges were obliged to apply retroactive rules. The author does not share this opinion. He analyzes Polish legal acts and the Convention on Human Rights (art. 15). A part of the text is dedicated to Gustaw Radbruch’s views about human justice, which in critical situation should have been applied despite the fact that written law is different.
XX
Celem artykułu jest zagadnienie używania symboli ideologii nazistowskiej w orzecznictwie Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka. Współcześnie w niektórych państwach europejskich zabrania się bowiem w sferze publicznej symbolicznego posługiwania się symboliką systemów totalitarnych — czy to nazistowskiej swastyki, komunistycznego młota i sierpa, czy też jakiegokolwiek innego symbolu. Na tym tle pojawia się pytanie, jakie są granice ingerencji w wolność słowa. W sprawie Nix v. Niemcy Europejski Trybunał Praw Człowieka stwierdza, że kryminalizacja używania symboli nazistowskich ma na celu zapobieżenie odrodzeniu się nazizmu i utrzymanie pokoju politycznego. Podstawową kwestią było jednak ustalenie, czy zakaz posługiwania się symbolami ideologii nazistowskiej w przestrzeni publicznej może być uznany jako ingerencja „niezbędna w demokratycznym społeczeństwie” w wolność wyrażania opinii. ETPCz uznał, że wskazana przesłanka została zrealizowana. Czyniąc rozważania w tym zakresie, słusznie przyjął, że „państwa, które doświadczyły okrucieństw nazizmu, mogą zostać uznane za »państwa, na których spoczywa szczególna odpowiedzialność moralna, by zdystansować się od masowych potworności popełnionych przez nazistów«”. ETPCz dodał, że nie tylko propagowanie nazizmu winno być karalne, lecz także posługiwanie się symboliką nazistowską w celu przyciągnięcia uwagi czytelnika. Ma to bowiem uniemożliwić przyzwyczajenie ludzi do symboli ideologii nazistowskiej bądź dopuszczania do ich tolerowania, zwłaszcza w państwie tak historycznie doświadczonym przez nazizm jak Niemcy. Niewątpliwe sprawa Nix v. Niemcy ilustruje strukturalną analizę proporcjonalności w odniesieniu do wolności słowa. W artykule poddano analizie także sprawę Šimunić v. Chorwacji, która dotyczyła piłkarza ukaranego przez władze chorwackie za to, że w trakcie meczu zwrócił się do tłumu z pozdrowieniem symbolizującym nienawiść w stosunku do ludzi różnych wyznań lub tożsamości etnicznych, co było manifestacją ideologii rasistowskiej. Wykorzystał on oficjalne powitanie organizacji Ustasza obowiązującego w czasach reżimu Niezależnego Państwa Chorwackiego. Trybunał wskazał, że skarżący użył wskazanego gestu w czasie meczu piłkarskiego wobec ogromnej widowni, na które to okrzyki widzowie odpowiedzieli, co więcej, zrobił to cztery razy. W sprawie Šimunić v. Chorwacja Trybunał powtórzył, że charakter i surowość nałożonej kary są czynnikami, które należy wziąć pod uwagę przy ocenie proporcjonalności ingerencji w wolność słowa. W artykule znalazła się analiza orzecznictwa ETPCz oraz wynikające z niej wnioski.
EN
The article deals with the use of symbols of Nazi ideology in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights. At present, symbolic representations of the past order, whether the Nazi swastika, the Communist hammer and sickle or any other symbol, have been prohibited from the public sphere in some European states. Against this background, the question arises as to what are the limits to interference with the freedom of speech. In Nix v. Germany, the European Court of Human Rights notes that the criminalisation of the use of Nazi symbols is to prevent the revival of Nazism and maintain political peace. As to whether the interference was necessary, which required it to be a response to a pressing social need, the Court considered that Germany’s decision to criminally sanction the use of Nazi symbols must be seen in the light of their historical role and experience with Nazism and the desire to prevent its revival. The Court added that this “gratuitous use of symbols was exactly what the provision sanctioning the use of symbols of unconstitutional organisations was intended to prevent, as it was meant to pre-empt anyone becoming used to certain symbols by banning them from all means of communication”. More broadly, the case Nix v. Germany illustrates the structured proportionality analysis in relation to freedom of expression. The article analyses also the case of Šimunić v. Croatia, which concerns a footballer who was convicted by the Croatian authorities of a minor criminal offence for addressing messages to spectators of a football match, the content of which expressed or enticed hatred on the basis of race, nationality, and faith. In fact, he used an official greeting of the Ustashe movement and totalitarian regime of the Independent State of Croatia. The Court pointed out that the applicant chanted a phrase used as a greeting by a totalitarian regime at a football match in front of a large audience to which the audience replied and that he did so four times. In the case of Šimunić v. Croatia, the Court reiterates that the nature and severity of the penalty imposed are factors to be taken into account when assessing the proportionality of the interference with the freedom of speech. Finally, the article contains the conclusions of the analysis on case-law of the European Court of Human Rights.
EN
The author analyzes the possibilities and consequences of the disclosure of classified information by a person covered by the motion for waiver of immunity at a sitting of the Sejm, in the course of examination of the motion. He claims that a person to whom the motion to waive immunity pertains is entitled to comment the information contained therein, including the use of classified information, insofar as they relate to the circumstances of the case and the allegations formulated in the motion. This is a guarantee of the right to defence in the course of proceedings relating to waiver of immunity. The author points out that such proceedings must respect basic procedural standards and, in particular, take into account the constitutional right to defence.
EN
The purpose of the opinion is to examine whether the preliminary motion for constitutional accountability action against former Minister of Justice and Public Prosecutor General Zbigniew Ziobro for violation of Polish Constitution and the Penal Code meets the formal requirements for such motions. The author points out numerous formal defects of the preliminary motion and opts for their immediate elimination. Nevertheless, in his view, the existing deficiencies do not disparage the motion, as they may be corrected later.
EN
The subject of the analysis is to examine the proposal for adoption of the institution of investigating judge, which would be the judicial authority for the review of the legality of the functioning of prosecutor’s office and the Police in the preparatory stage and responsible for consolidating evidence for the court. The author makes remarks of historical nature and provides a comparative‑law survey on the functioning of investigative judges. However, none of the countries covered by the analysis has adopted the model of the investigating judge, that exists – in its classic form – in France and Belgium, and the reforms implemented in some countries show the abolition of the institution of investigating judge. The bill does not present the arguments in support of the need for adoption of the institution of the investigating judge and contains no indication as to the paucity of protection of individual rights in the preparatory proceedings, nor does it identify deficiencies of the protection of individual rights in the preparatory proceedings. The sponsors of the bill do not note that the interrogation record serves a guarantee function, and its content is certified by people participating in the activity. An official note made by the interviewer does not provide it because it is not free from subjectivity, and particularly – may be blamed for acting in pursuit of self‑interest in the course of proceedings.
EN
The opinion comments on the draft position of Poland concerning a proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing for the period 2014 to 2020 the Rights and Citizenship Programme (COM (2011) 758 final). It also clarifies the legal relationship between a regulation (Article 288 (2) Treaty on functioning of the European Union) and the Charter as explained in the latest case-law of the European Court of Justice.
EN
The publication discusses the nature, premises, and methods of sentencing a penal measure consisting in prohibition of entry to mass events. The first part shows legal solutions accepted in the European Convention on Spectator Violence and Misbehaviour at Sports Events and in particular at Football Matches accepted on 19 August 1985 by Council of Europe. It is recognised at one of the most important international documents providing for the fight with stadium hooliganism. Although the Convention’s aim is to prevent and control incidents by football spectators, provisions of the Convention apply also to other disciplines which might posit the risk of acts of violence and incidents by spectators (article 1 paragraph 12 of the Convention). Subsequently, there follows an analysis of legal solutions accepted in the current Act of 20 march 2009 on Mass Events Safety and the former Act of 22 January 1997 on Mass Events Safety. In particular, the focus was placed on the evolution of the prohibition of entry to a mass event and the definition of a legal mass event which at present is no longer based on the number of participants predicted by the organiser but on the number of places made available by the organiser. It is a result of common malpractice practice of organisers who used to omit the requirements by declaring less people than were actually expected. 2. Second part of the publication presents statistical data concerning contraventions related to mass sport events between 1999 and 2009 in Poland. The data show that there is a decreasing tendency in mass contraventions and hooligan incidents. At the same time, the data bring the conclusion that most hooligan incidents were committed during mass events. This may prove that objects where such events are organised are still ill-equipped but also that the organisers fail to observe their duties, imposed on them by the Act on Mass Events Safety. This part of publication also drafts a profile of the perpetrators of hooligan events. The study shows they are unmarried males between 15 and 25 with primary or secondary education and without a previous criminal record. 3. Part three of the publication is an analysis of normative solutions of the penal measure consisting in prohibition of entry to mass events. It includes provisions of Criminal Code, Petty Offences Code and Act of 20 march 2009 on Mass Events Safety. The analysis brings a conclusion that introduction of mass entry event ban served the purpose of increasing the safety of mass events and excluding persons who posit a risk to said safety. Thus, introduction of such legal solution to Polish law should be undisputable. Doubts can be raised only if particular solutions are examined, for instance the interpretation of “personal appearance” in a police station during a mass event.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.