Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 10

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Rola stanów w powstaniu i działalności publicznych domów resocjalizacyjnych na Pomorzu Zachodnim na przełomie XVIII–XIX wieku

100%
Szultka Z.
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
|
2013
|
issue 2
47-57
EN
The research done so far into the problems of the poor and into begging and vagrancy in the 19th century in Western Pomerania has indicated that the state’s role in eliminating these phenomena was dominant and indisputable. It is possible that this thesis is true for the whole 19th century, but as it seems at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries the state’s role in solving the problems of the poor is defi nitely overestimated, whereas the role of the Pomeranian social estates (classes) underestimated. Formally, the governing body over the West-Pomeranian public correction centres or rather establishments of forced labour, which were created in 1799, was the Genera Directorate. The Centres were managed partly by a state’s body (Pomeranian War and Treasury Chamber), and partly by estate bodies: local parliament (das Kollegium of the Landrats) and the Landrats of the Counties, where the Centres were established in April 1799; the latter covered the main costs of the functioning of the centres. The Hinterpommern (Farther Pomerania) centre was located in Szczecinek, and the Vorpommern one – in Uckermünde. The situation of both centres were discussed by the gatherings of the estates not only in 1799, but in 1804–1805 and in 1809 as well. All these facts prove that the Pomeranian estates participated actively in the creation of the Pomeranian public correction or rehabilitation centres, and later in their functioning at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries.
2

Wokół losów szlachty lęborsko-bytowskiej w XVI–XX wieku

100%
Szultka Z.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2011
|
vol. 76
|
issue 4
137-165
EN
The article argues with the main theses in the book "Aktywność społeczno-polityczna szlachty pogranicza lęborskiego" [Social-political activity of the gentry in the Lebork (Lauenburg) borderland] (Gdańsk 2009). The politically comprehensive introduction has little to do with the content of the book. The territorial range of the work raises doubts (the gentry from Bytow (Bütow) has not been discussed although the Lebork-Bytow land constituted one administrative unit). The source base and the use of the available research (particularly in reference to the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries) is insufficient. The Author failed to include legal restrictions (in force in the 17th-18th centuries) concerning purchasing land in the area by gentry arriving from the outside. However, M. Dzięcielski managed to show the problem of religious changes and the positive influence of the Reformation on the preservation of the Kashubian language until the end of the 19th century. On the other hand, the issue of de/ ning the negative policy of the Brandenburghian authorities towards Catholicism was not discussed properly. Chapter III concerning the political culture of the Lebork gentry must also be criticized as it is not sufficiently developed in reference to the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. Nevertheless, one may agree with some statements concerning earlier periods. The book fails to include clear chronological, subject and territorial criteria. It abounds in mistakes which are rectified in this article, and which result from the incomplete use of sources. It is not easy to evaluate the work. It may seem that answering 10 research questions formed by M. Dzięcielski in the introduction will facilitate it. However, the questions are not clear chronologically, substantially and territorially. “1. What was the role of the Lebork gentry in shaping the social-ownership, ethnic and language identities?” As far as changes in the structure of the land property are concerned, the incomplete use of the sources resulted in the vague presentation of the scope of changes in the period of the direct Polish rule over starostwos (districts), and after 1657/1658 it does not correspond with its dynamics. The changes in the 19th century were only mentioned and not discussed. The ethnic-linguistic changes until the first partition of Poland were quite well presented. Later periods were treated superficially and failed to appreciate the role of education. The Author abandoned the subject from the mid-19th century. “2. What was the role of Prussian agricultural reforms in the process of the deprivation of the gentry of their land property, Germanization of the Kashubian-Polish gentry and the consolidation of Prussian land owners?” The major stage of the deprivation of the Kashubian gentry of its land property took place at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, and the Prussian agricultural reforms were originated in 1807 and continued until the mid-19th century, which is why they could only accelerate the process of land deprivation. This, however, wan not shown. “3. What was the role of spiritual culture, including studying abroad, and religious movements in the process of shaping ethnic and national identity of the Lebork gentry?” The processes were presented accurately in reference to the period until the end of the 18th century, but the Author did not discuss the national identity of the Lebork gentry in the 19th century. “4. What was the signi/ cance of the Polish political culture in the creation of sociopolitical phenomena and processes taking into account the competition between the Polish gentry democracy and the Brandenburghian-Prussian absolutism?” Incomplete use of the acts of the Lebork-Bytow assembly, examining the struggle of the Lebork-Bytow gentry traditionally through the perspective of the Polish law (mainly the gentry jurisdiction), and underestimating economic and political factors (including the absolutism of the House of Hohenzollern) hindered the correct answer to the question. “5. What was the role of military careers in the process of shaping the feeling of loyalty, national and state identity of the gentry?” The question is connected with the process of the compulsory incorporation of the Lebork-Bytow gentry to the Prussian officers’ corps. The Author presented the Lebork gentry inaccurately, attributing it the qualities actually manifested by the gentry from Eastern Pomerania. “6. Which elements of the political reality strengthened the local culture, and which contributed to disintegration, Prussification and Germanization?” If one assumes that the question refers only to the Lebork gentry, and Prussification is understood as shaping the Prussian national identity mainly through militarization whereas Germanization as a conscious, planned state activity with the aim of instilling the German language and culture in society, the answers provided by the Author are incomplete, static, dispersed in a few chapters and cannot be regarded as in-depth. “7. What were the reactions, aspirations and resistance of the gentry in the period of the Prussian agricultural reforms, industrialization and wakening of liberty movements?” Since the agricultural reforms of the gentry’s land were not discussed appropriately, eo ipso the description of their effects cannot be correct. “8. What was the role of the gentry at the end of the Hohenzollern monarchy and what was its attitude towards parliamentary democracy and the first German republic?” “9. What was the attitude of the gentry when the national-socialist movement and the Third Reich were created?” “10. What were the consequences of the political choices made by the Prussian gentry for the history of the state and the gentry itself in the period of the first German republic and the Third Reich?” Insufficient empirical research on the Lebork gentry in the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century resulted in the necessity to reconsider the gentry’s attitude and behaviour in the face of the processes and events included in questions 8–10, which may be facilitated by a relatively well preserved source base. It does not concern the history of the Lebork gentry during and ft er World War II, although in respect to this period there also appear some controversies.
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Inne spojrzenie na luterańskie duchowieństwo Pomorza Zachodniego w drugiej połowie XVI i na początku XVII wieku (na marginesie pracy Macieja Ptaszyńskiego Narodziny zawodu…)

100%
Szultka Z.
Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce
|
2011
|
vol. 55
4
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Zur Bauernbefreiung in den pommerschen Domänen

100%
Szultka Z.
Studia Maritima
|
2010
|
vol. 23
75-96
PL
Autor artykułu, wychodząc od kalendarium reform i opierając się na solidnym i bogatym materiale ze źródeł archiwalnych, dochodzi do wniosku, że dotychczasowa interpretacja reform uwłaszczeniowych w domenach pomorskich przynosiła obraz zbyt optymistyczny i daleki od rzeczywistego stanu rzeczy.
5
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Elementarne szkoły wielskie z polskim/kaszubskim językiem nauczania w synodzie słupskim od reformacji do wojny siedmioletniej

100%
Szultka Z.
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
|
2017
|
issue 3
57-67
EN
This article is an attempt of a synthetic outline of the rural schools with Polish as the language of instruction in the Kashubian language area of the Słupsk Synod in the context of the conditions and main directions of the development of rural elementary education with German as the language of instruction in West Pomerania in the period from the Reformation to the Seven Years’ War. The elementary education of the Kashubian ethnic and linguistic minority was defined by many specific traits, among which the most significant one was the language of instruction. In addition, the paper touches on the pietism-inspired attempts at an intellectual revival, which included elementary education, in the first half of the 18th century.
PL
Artykuł jest próbą syntetycznego przedstawienia zarysu szkół wiejskich z polskim językiem nauczania na kaszubskim obszarze językowym synodu słupskiego na tle uwarunkowań i głównych linii rozwoju wiejskiego szkolnictwa elementarnego z niemieckim językiem nauczania na Pomorzu Zachodnim od reformacji do wojny siedmioletniej. Szkolnictwo elementarne kaszubskiej mniejszości etniczno-językowej charakteryzowało się wieloma specyficznymi cechami, wśród których najważniejszą był język nauczania. Zwrócono również uwagę na zrodzone z pietyzmu próby ożywienia umysłowego, w tym szkolnictwa elementarnego, w pierwszej połowie XVIII wieku.
6
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Elementarne szkoły wiejskie finansowane z funduszu szkolnego na Pomorzu pruskim latach 1777-1807

100%
Szultka Z.
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
|
2018
|
issue 1
35-78
EN
In his article the author attempts to indicate the aims and effects of the system of schools of grace financed by the State through the educational fund in Pomerania in the years 1777–1807, i.e. from the moment the fund was set up to its demise under the French occupation of Pomerania. Although the general aims and the rules of the reforms of the rural schools in Pomerania were similar to the ones in the Electoral March and West Prussia, and although they arose from the same concept of Frederickian absolute monarchy and its division into estates, the difference between the two systems were increasing with time. Almost the whole of the school improvement fund came from the gentry, 70% of it was consumed by the schools in domains (first of all the villages founded within the framework of the Frederickian colonisation) and only 20% – by the gentry; in addition, the beneficiaries from the gentry were in their majority the nobility connected with the corps of higher officers and the bureaucratic apparatus that did not always comply with the requirements to get assistance from the fund. However critically the system of schools of grace were assessed, and they constituted only 6% of the all the schools of Prussian Pomerania, there is no doubt that at the turn of 18th and 19th centuries only in the regions along the Oder the schools in question were model educational institutions with qualified teachers, in its entirety financed by the State, and they implemented an Enlightenment educational programme with Enlightenment teaching methods and textbooks.
PL
Artykuł jest próbą ukazania celów, wdrażania i skutków systemu szkół łaski finansowanych przez państwo z funduszu szkolnego na Pomorzu pruskim w latach 1777–1807, czyli od jego ustanowienia do zaniku w warunkach okupacji Pomorza przez Francję. Chociaż ogólne cele i zasady reformy szkół wiejskich objętych tym systemem na Pomorzu były podobne jak w Marchii Elektorskiej i w Prusach Zachodnich oraz wynikały z fryderycjańskiej koncepcji monarchii absolutnej i jej podziału stanowego, to jednak w miarę upływu czasu i jego wdrażania w życie, zróżnicowanie systematycznie się pogłębiało. Melioracyjny fundusz szkolny prawie w całości pochodził ze środków szlacheckich, zaś w około 70% korzystały z niego szkoły w domenach (w pierwszym rzędzie wsie założone w ramach kolonizacji fryderycjańskiej), natomiast szlacheckie w około 20%. W dodatku beneficjentami ostatnich środków była wyłącznie szlachta związana z wyższym korpusem oficerskim i aparatem biurokratycznym, która nie zawsze spełniała warunki uzyskania środków z funduszu. Jak krytycznie by nie oceniać system szkół łaski, stanowiących zaledwie 6% szkół wiejskich Pomorza pruskiego, nie ulega wątpliwości, że tylko w jego nadodrzańskim pasie, szkoły te były na przełomie XVIII–XIX wieku rzeczywiście wzorowymi placówkami oświatowymi, w całości opłacanymi przez państwo, z kwalifikowanymi nauczycielami, realizującymi oświeceniowy program nauczania przy pomocy oświeceniowych metod nauczania i podręczników.
7
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Drugie posłowie historyka do "Resztek Słowian na południowym wybrzeżu Morza Bałtyckiego" Aleksandra Hilferdinga

100%
Szultka Z.
Studia z Filologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej
|
2015
|
vol. 50
EN
A historian's second afterword to Resztki Słowian na południowym wybrzeżu Morza Bałtyckiego by Alexander HilferdingThe purpose of the Second Afterword is to emphasise that current interpretations of Resztki Słowian by linguists are exceptionally uncritical and, consequently, one-sided. I do not find Alexander Hilferding's account useless, but I believe that, as any other subjective report, it requires a critical approach. It should be emphasized that it was prepared in a very short time, and its Russian author cannot be considered a reliable researcher. Therefore, its scientific usefulness is limited. It has already been argued that the book was written with the help of Florian Ceynowa; however, I intend to prove a new proposition. In my opinion, the aforementioned assistance was much more significant than has been assumed by recent linguistic research, a fact Hilferding did not always properly point out. Moreover, the actual scope of help on the part of Ceynowa in relation to the Kashubian language of the eastern part of Koszalin district was far greater than it has been acknowledged by linguists, who fail to take into account the fact that Ceynowa had been studying it since the early 1840s, and in 1845 he conducted his own independent linguistic research in Słupsk county. Drugie posłowie historyka do Resztek Słowian na południowym wybrzeżu Morza Bałtyckiego Aleksandra HilferdingaNiniejsze Drugie posłowie stawia sobie za cel wykazanie, że interpretacje Resztek Słowian podejmowane obecnie przez językoznawców charakteryzują się wyjątkową bezkrytycznością, a co za tym idzie – jednostronnością. Nie uznaję dzieła Aleksandra Hilferdinga za bezużyteczne, twierdzę jednak, że - jak do każdej subiektywnej relacji - należy do niego podchodzić krytycznie. Nie wolno zapominać, że praca postawała szybko, a jej rosyjskiego autora nie można uznać za wzbudzającego zaufanie badacza. Naukowa przydatność Resztek jest zatem ograniczona. Pisano już o tym, że dzieło powstało z pomocą Floriana Ceynowy; tu próbuję jednak dowieść nowego twierdzenia. Uważam, że owa pomoc odegrała rolę o wiele ważniejszą, niż zakłada się we współczesnej literaturze językoznawczej i niż gotów był przyznać sam Hilferding. Znacznie większy, aniżeli zakładają językoznawcy, był też rzeczywisty wkład Ceynowy, jeśli chodzi o opisanie języka wschodniej części Koszalińskiego, który zgłębiał on od początku lat 40. XIX wieku, obok samodziel­nych badań językoznawczych podjętych przezeń w roku 1845 w powiecie słupskim.
8
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Handel morski i porty Brandenburgii-Prus w drugiej połowie XVII i w XVIII wieku

100%
Szultka Z.
Studia Maritima
|
2015
|
vol. 28
185-227
EN
In the years 1648–1653 the Brandenburg Hohenzollerns achieved the long-desired goal of their foreign policy: they got a direct access to the sea, but commercial benefits were rather scarce without the Oder estuary and Szczecin (Stettin). So they fought on until they managed to conquer the whole of the missing territory in 1720. It created completely new possibilities for the development of maritime trade. A selective mercantilism, with its specific Prussian tinge, was to assuage the fact that the country was divided into three economic parts. The priorities of the first economic sector and the home trade were the reasons why in that historic moment Prussia was not able to join the mainstream of the Baltic maritime trade because of the weakness in capital of the merchants and the poor quality of the Prussian craft and manufactured goods, which were sold only in the East. Until 1740 Prussia had a negative balance in its foreign trade, and in its exports there was mainly agricultural and forest produce. The merchants from the Prussian ports limited themselves to the agency between European shipowners and their own ports’ surroundings, excluding Silesia as the Oder trade was not competitive at all compared to the Elbe region. The army and the finance were the political priorities for Frederick II (1744–1797), as it had been for his father. Yet, he achieved his economic objectives thorough a variety of methods and means. He wanted to reach a positive balance in foreign trade, in which maritime exchange played a role that was much more important than before, and which became the main priority of his economic policy, at least up to 1806, although after 1786 that policy was being implemented with less and less determination. A logical consequence of such a policy was a doctrine according to which it was advisable to harm your neighbour as much as possible, which led to trade and customs wars against Saxony, Austria and Poland. The conflict with Poland was especially acute, which after 1772 Frederick changed into a colonial receiving market. In order to achieve a positive trade balance Prussia used protectionism, oversea colonial trade, and an increasing participation of the Prussian ports in the Baltic and European trade. Altogether, it caused that at the end of Frederick II’s reign the surplus of Prussia’s foreign trade reached the level of 5 million talers. In the exchange the maritime trade had a more and more weight. At the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries the biggest Prussian ports were: Gdańsk (Danzig) and Szczecin (Stettin), and – to a lesser degree – Królewiec, Elbląg and Kłajpeda.
PL
W latach 1648–1653 Hohenzollernowie brandenburscy osiągnęli wielowiekowy cel swej polityki zagranicznej – uzyskali bezpośredni dostęp do morza, ale korzyści handlowe z tego płynące, bez ujścia Odry i Szczecina, były symboliczne. Kontynuowali więc walkę aż do całkowitego opanowania ujścia Odry i Szczecina w 1720 r. Stworzyło to zupełnie nowe możliwości rozwoju handlu morskiego. Selektywny merkantylizm, jego specyficzne pruskie zabarwienie, miał łagodzić rozczłonkowanie państwa, stanowiącego faktycznie trzy organizmy gospodarcze. Priorytety pierwszego sektora gospodarczego i handlu wewnętrznego powodowały, że w tym historycznym momencie Prusy nie były zdolne włączyć się w nurt bałtyckiego handlu morskiego z uwagi na słabość kapitałową kupiectwa i niekonkurencyjność pruskich wyrobów rzemieślniczo-manufakturowych, zbywanych z tego powodu na wschodzie. Do 1740 r. Prusy posiadały ujemny bilans handlu zagranicznego, z eksportem, w którym dominowały nieprzetworzone produkty rolno-leśne. Kupiectwo pruskich ośrodków portowych ograniczało się do pośrednictwa między europejskimi armatorami a zapleczem portowym, poza którym pozostawał Śląsk, ponieważ problemy handlu odrzańskiego były wówczas dalekie od konkurencyjnego względem Łaby rozwiązania. Armia i finanse pozostawały priorytetami politycznymi Fryderyka II – jak za czasów jego ojca. Cele gospodarcze realizował on jednak, wykorzystując szerszy wachlarz metod i środków. Dodatni bilans handlu zagranicznego, w którym wymiana morska odgrywała nieporównywalnie większą niż dotąd rolę, uczynił on naczelną zasadą swojej polityki handlowej, aktualnej aż do 1806 r., chociaż po 1786 r. realizowanej z mniejszą konsekwencją. Z tej doktryny wypływała doktryna handlowego szkodzenia sąsiadom na wszystkie możliwe sposoby, co doprowadziło do handlowo-celnych wojen z Saksonią, Austrią i Polską. Z tą ostatnią, zwłaszcza po 1772 r., kiedy to Fryderyk II uczynił z Rzeczpospolitej kolonialny rynek zbytu. Osiągnięciu dodatniego bilansu handlowego służyły: protekcjonizm, zamorski handel kolonialny, wzrastający udział portów pruskich w handlu bałtyckim i europejskim. Łącznie sprawiło to, że pod koniec panowania Fryderyka II nadwyżka w handlu zagranicznym Prus wynosiła 5 mln talarów. W wymianie coraz większy udział miał handel morski. Na przełomie wieków XVIII i XIX największymi pruskimi portami były: Gdański i Szczecin, a następnie Królewiec, któremu ustępowały Elbląg i Kłajpeda.
9
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Proces przebudowy stosunków kościelnych na kaszubskim obszarze językowym Księstwa Szczecińskiego w XV wieku

100%
Szultka Z.
Przegląd Zachodniopomorski
|
2018
|
issue 4
225-258
EN
The paper is an attempt to demonstrate the diversified dynamics of territorial development of the Reformation in the Szczecin Duchy (German: das Herzogtum Pommern-Stettin) from its beginning to the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries. The thesis of a slower pace of the transformation of the ecclesiastical and religious relations east of Góra Chełmska (German: Gollenberg) is not new; the novelty consists in demonstrating the scale of the delay, its genesis and conditions, among which the things that should be emphasised are the ethnic and language differences on the one hand and on the other the socio-economic differences, and the attitude of the Ducal authorities and the new Church towards evangelisation of the Kashubian population, which in practice was reduced to its discrimination.
PL
Artykuł jest próbą wykazania zróżnicowanej dynamiki rozwoju terytorialnego reformacji w Księstwie Szczecińskim od jej narodzin do przełomu XVI–XVII wieku. Teza o wolniejszym tempie przebudowy stosunków kościelnych oraz wyznaniowych na wschód od Góry Chełmskiej nie jest nowa, novum stanowi natomiast ukazanie skali opóźnienia, jego genezy i uwarunkowań, wśród których ważne były odmienności etniczno-językowe, społeczno-ekonomiczne oraz stosunek władzy książęcej i nowego Kościoła do ewangelickiej ludności kaszubskiej, w praktyce prowadzący do jej dyskryminacji.
10
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Radosław Gaziński, Urzędnicy miejscy Kołobrzegu do 1805 roku

50%
Szultka Z.
|
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.