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EN
The use of the Christian symbolism of crucifixion is hardly exceptional to post-Trianon Hungarian irredentist imagery, for it is common to self-pitying nationalist imagery in much of the Christian world. However, Hungary's unique historical development made the crucifixion of a male figure less evocative to Hungarian irredentist image makers. Though tradition called for gender-neutral or female representations of Hungary, Hungarian nationalists still felt compelled to evoke the Passion of Christ while simultaneously stressing the Mary-like nature of the country. They created a powerful, if heretical set of imagery placing the motherland in the role of Christ. This imagery continues to be evoked in Hungarian nationalist discourse today.
EN
Beliefs in the divine descent of a nation and its glory, grandeur and even biblical origins are not uncommon worldwide. In this discussion focusing on such beliefs amongst Hungarians and Serbs, the author demonstrates that far from being unique to states undergoing transition from communism, similar beliefs have also arisen over a long period of time amongst nations who have never experienced a totalitarian polity. He speculates that just as theories of divine descent arose in connection with royal families in monarchies, theories of linear descent from ancient peoples arise from the logic of nationalism enshrined in the nation state. As long as such states persist, similar theories will continue to emerge. What is specific to some countries in transition is the relative influence that these concepts may achieve, or rather their ready availability. This, in the author's opinion, is not the result of any atavistic element amongst central or eastern Europeans, but rather is a consequence of relatively weak markets and a low degree of media autonomy in transition countries.
EN
While national identity and nationalism have long been recognized as being comprised of numerous components, they are often assumed to be singular and unified phenomena, covering the whole of any given nation. Typologies of the varieties of nationalisms (eastern–western, civic, ethnic, etc.) are generally based upon such assumptions. Another assumption often made is that ethnic nationalisms are more exclusive than civic forms of national identity. Through the example of just one aspect, that of the place held by co-ethnics who are not citizens of the national state, the author demonstrates that the assumption made by some Hungarian politicians and social scientists of the homogeneity of national identity, and attempts to mobilize it, has repeatedly led to failure in elections. The differences he demonstrates in perceptions of this single aspect of national identity in Hungary pose a challenge to assumptions made about the unified nature of nationalism, and have implications for other nations with large populations of co-ethnics living outside their state borders.
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