The security of asylum-seekers in the context of conditions of reception has not been frequently researched. This article aims to fill this gap by arguing that asylum-seekers in Poland are stuck in a grey zone between being secure and being securitised by the host society, with little opportunity to use their own agency. The basis for my study is the theory of the Welsh School of Critical Security Studies which focuses on understanding security through emancipation. The methodology contains a structural analysis of the reception system through the lenses of the agency–structure relationship and a legal and institutional study, as well as an in-depth examination of security practices combined with a reconstruction critique. The results show that the Polish reception system is a structure which is highly asymmetrical in relations of power, especially in the fundamental case of setting a security agenda. This thus constitutes a substantial constraint on migrants’ agency – with some potential for emancipation, however. In conclusion, the research points out the discrepancy between elements of the reception system driven by principles of liberal democracy and the nation-state and calls for a more inclusive, empowering and participatory security provision within the reception system in Poland.
Artykuł porównuje dwa instrumenty teoretyczne popularne wśród badaczy migracji: koncepcję „nagiego życia” zaproponowaną przez Giorgio Agambena oraz konceptualizację praktyk granicznych i bezpieczeństwa w ramach krytycznych studiów nad granicami i bezpieczeństwem. Artykuł pokazuje, w jaki sposób teoria Agambena zdaje się nie umożliwiać właściwej analizy władzy, przeciwnie do teorii krytycznej. Również niedostateczne uzasadnienie przez Agambena sprzeciwu wobec wykluczenia powinno być poparte krytyką normatywną oferowaną przez krytycznych teoretyków bezpieczeństwa. Pozwala to na właściwe zbadanie kryzysu humanitarnego na pograniczu polsko-białoruskim, wywołanego przez praktyki graniczne państwa białoruskiego i państwa polskiego w latach 2021 i 2022. W efekcie analiza polskich i białoruskich praktyk granicznych z punktu widzenia wspomnianej powyżej perspektywy teoretycznej sugeruje, jak krytyczne podejście do granic i bezpieczeństwa może być przydatne w dokładnym zobrazowaniu wzajemnego oddziaływania różnych władz w suwerennym państwie oraz w badaniu możliwości oporu przeciwko praktykom wykluczenia.
EN
This article compares two theoretical tools popular among migration researchers: the concept of “bare life” offered by Giorgio Agamben, and the conceptualization of border practices and security in critical border and security studies. The paper presents how Agambenian theory seems to lack proper analysis of power, which can be provided by critical theory. Also, Agamben’s insufficient substantiation of resistance to exclusion should be supported by the normative critique offered by critical theorists of security. This enables proper examination of the humanitarian crisis provoked by both the Belarusian and Polish states’ bordering practices in 2021 and 2022. In result, an analysis of Polish and Belarusian bordering practices through this theoretical lens suggests how the critical approach to borders and security may be useful in depicting precisely the interplay of power within a sovereign state and in researching possibilities of resistance against practices of exclusion.
The pushed-back migrants are the main subjects of the humanitarian crisis on the Belarusian-Polish border; however their presence as public discourse producers are rather scarce. The aim of this research is to trace the narrative agency of these people and explore its link to their emancipation. Drawing on the postcolonial theory, we address the question of how the subaltern(ised) subjects produce their discourse. With the analysis of media content, literature, and artistic materials, we argue that the discourse production of pushed-back migrants in Poland is heavily limited, restricted, and often interrupted, however they manifest agency by manoeuvring victimisation and contesting the enemisation of themselves. Using these results, we conclude that the researcher’s role during this crisis should be a mix of translation and representation of what the pushed-back said and were forbidden to say.
This paper investigates the governance of emergencies in Lithuania and Poland from 2020 to 2023, focusing on how multiple crises, namely, the COVID-19 pandemic, the humanitarian crisis on the border with Belarus, and the influx of Ukrainians fleeing a full-scale Russian invasion were handled. In response to these events, both countries introduced measures aimed at governing human mobility. In this study, drawing on security practices and discourse research, the authors analyse how the governments proceeded from one emergency to another. The analysis explores the interplay between emergency governance, populism, and technocracy, focusing on the concept of “routinisation” – i.e., how temporary emergency responses become permanent governance strategies. While both countries faced similar challenges, their responses diverged, with Poland’s populist government emphasizing militarised border controls and a narrative of protecting sovereignty, and Lithuania adopting a more technocratic approach, striving to maintain the proper functioning of the state. However, the overall difference between these two countries was more modest than it could be presumed; both states converged in their management of the migration emergencies, increasingly normalising restrictive measures. By comparing legislative and discursive strategies, this paper highlights how emergency governance evolved from improvisation to fixed policies, raising questions about the implications for democratic governance and migration policies.
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