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EN
The article discusses the origin of the so-called Pomak question in Bulgaria and the relations between this ethnic group, composed of the followers of Islam, and the Orthodox majority of their kinsmen. The author examined the reasons for the conflicts between two parts of the same nation, often based on false premises or outside provocation. Against this backdrop, the author described the tragic plight of the Pomaks, rejected as long as they remained loyal to their faith and the onomastic and costume elements associated with it. The author outlined the history of the titular ethnic group, totalling several hundred thousands, from the conversion to Islam to the present day. He also described the circumstances recognised by a considerable part of Bulgarian society as sufficient to accuse the Pomaks of opting for a stance at odds with Bulgarian national interest. The consequences led to numerous persecutions of the Pomaks and successive tides of emigration to Turkey, followed by the loss of national identity. Finally, he examines the stand of the most enlightened members of the Bulgarian intellectual and political elite, who for more than a century have been defending the Pomaks.
EN
The author discusses a conflict which emerged in certain parts of Poland and involved a small group (100-300 persons) of seasonal Bulgarian gardeners. The vegetables, frequently totally unknown in Poland or more attractive species, grown by them at the cost of hard work and a clever irrigation system, quickly found buyers. The local gardeners and traders recognised the presence of the Bulgarians to be a form of harmful competition and demanded the closure of frontiers. Their energetic undertakings won the support of a number of self- government and administrative authorities, from the local level to ministries. The ultimate outcome of the controversy assumed the form of restrictions and even harassment applied towards the Bulgarians and generated differences of opinion among members of the cabinet as well as numerous official interventions of the Bulgarian side.
Pamiętnik Literacki
|
2005
|
vol. 96
|
issue 3
47-66
EN
Jakub Lange - a Calvinist, and a son of a teacher - came to Warsaw from the Swiss canton of Grisons around the half of the 19th century. His life resembles the life of Stanislaw Wokulski, the protagonist 'The Doll' by Boleslaw Prus. Jakub Lange is likely to be the model for the main character of the novel. At the beginning of his stay in Warsaw, Lange probably took up smithery, and later made his living as a patisserie worker. After 1873 he owned a patisserie in Warsaw at 10 Chlodna Street. In 1868, as a shareholder of the Kantor partnership that supplied bread to the Russian army, he got to Bulgaria, where - like Wokulski - came into fortune during nine months. Lange was married twice. His first wife Anna, a Catholic (their children were also Catholics), died at the age of 40. His second marriage with Emilia, a Lutheran, lasted only a few months since Jakub died February 22, 1883.
EN
After the loss of independence, during almost the whole nineteenth century successive tides of Polish emigres tried to find a place for reconstructing the Polish Army and creating political centres which would steer the national liberation struggle. As a rule, attempts at establishing such beachheads were made in the Balkans. The Peninsula had been for a long time ruled by Turkey, a consistent opponent of Russia - the most ruthless partitioner of Polish lands. The territories of interest for the Poles were regarded by the Porte as marginal and remained under minimal control. There, the emigres tried to erect autonomous administrative structures among the local Slavonic population in the Ottoman state by relying on the military and political experiences of the Poles. The article is based predominantly on Bulgarian and Serbian material, as well as reports or studies by British, German and Austro-Hungarian diplomats. The author discussed the intentions, recurring throughout the century, and instances of building the titular beachheads along the Serbia-Montenegro-Albania borderland as well as in northern, southern and, eventually, central Bulgaria.
EN
In his presentation of the situation of the Bulgarian population under Ottoman rule the author became involved in a polemic with conventional black and white schemes cultivated in world and Bulgarian historiography. Such schemes portray, on the one hand, the despicable cruelty of the Turkish oppressors and, on the other hand, the pitiful plight of the Bulgars, maltreated and denationalised by a policy which supposedly reduced the size of the population. Unmasking a number of myths well grounded in historical literature and social opinion, he concentrated on listing the concrete benefits which the Bulgarian population enjoyed in the discussed epoch in the form of an improved economic standard, education and culture. The usually reviled depiction of the situation of the Bulgarians within the Ottoman empire is contrasted with endurable and frequently opportune material and spiritual conditions. Moreover, the author has underlined the fact that the Bulgarian population profited from assorted political liberties. All these factors, he claims, guaranteed a stable economic situation and were conducive for stirring Bulgarian national awareness and pro-independence aspirations. In conclusion, the author proposes the thesis (not quite isolated in scientific literature) that Bulgaria under Turkish rule was actually one of the best developing provinces of the Ottoman empire. Furthermore, he maintains that a suitable exploitation of the wide range of political and socioeconomic autonomy enabled the Bulgars to create the foundation of an independent state. This objective could be realised only after toppling Turkish rule during the 1878-1908 period. Contrary to the thesis about the 'dark ages' in Bulgarian history (fourteenth-nineteenth century) the Bulgars were actually capable of preserving an awareness of their national and linguistic distinctness.
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