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1
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The significance of geographic location for the success of territorial secession. African example

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Trzciński K., Kwiatkowska J. M.
Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development
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2004
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vol. 11
207-216
EN
Political and economic factors always play the main role in the secession of territory. Various aspects of geographic location may however facilitate or hinder secession, as well as the effective functioning of the newly emerged state. For Africa, geographic location in secession may be of greater importance than in the case of other continents. This is caused for the most part by the fact that African states are some of the poorest in the world and are often unable to effectively counteract secession through military means. The lack of well-formed democratic state institutions in turn impedes the peaceful resolution of problems constituting the basis of secessionist tendencies. These are precisely the conditions under which geographic location plays a more critical role.
2
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Wymóg uzyskania terytorialnego rozłożenia głosów (poparcia) w wyborach prezydenckich

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Trzciński K.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 49
113-137
EN
The aim of this article is to explain the institution of spatial vote distribution requirement in presidential elections that exists only in three multi-ethnic states: Nigeria (since 1979), Kenya (since 1992), and Indonesia (since 2001). To become a president in any of these states, a candidate who wins majority or plurality of votes in the elections also has to gain their minimal number (e.g. at least 20%) in more than half of their main administrative units. In the article, the main premises and multi-ethnic political context for applying this institution are identifi ed, as well as differences between all three cases indicated in detail. In the final part, the hitherto experience of employing this institution is evaluated.
PL
Głównym celem tego artykułu jest wyjaśnienie, na czym polega specyfika instytucji wymogu uzyskania terytorialnego rozłożenia głosów w wyborach prezydenckich, istniejącego w: Nigerii od 1979 r., Kenii od 1992 r. i Indonezji od 2001 r., oraz określenie panujących w tych państwach warunków politycznych, które przyczyniły się do jej wprowadzenia i trwania. W końcowej części artykułu, dzięki porównaniu wszystkich trzech kazusów, wskazane zostaną szczegółowe różnice występujące obecnie między nimi. W artykule zostaną również zaprezentowane wnioski dotyczące dotychczasowych doświadczeń związanych z funkcjonowaniem przedmiotowej instytucji. Pozwolą one wstępnie ocenić, czy uprawnione jest stwierdzenie, że jej zastosowanie wpływa na obniżenie znaczenia konfliktowych zachowań w relacjach między grupami etnicznymi i na budowanie międzyetnicznej akomodacji w wymienionych państwach.
3
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Przyszłość państwa i granic w Afryce. Alternatywny punkt widzenia

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Trzciński K.
Forum Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 10 - Przestrzeń i granice we współczesnej Afryce
243-262
EN
In this article I present and critically analyze the main ideas of the Nigerian thinker, Ifeanyi A. Menkiti, on the problem of African borders for the future of the African state. Menkiti appears to consider that the basic condition for the successful coexistence of the various groups of peoples (ethnic groups, tribes) occupying the states of Africa is for relations between them to rest on equitable principles. Justice, in his opinion, should involve the fair and equitable division amongst peoples of the burdens and benefits of living in a common state. To realize this ideal, he proposes the creation in Africa of morally neutral, minimalist managerial states, in which the competencies of the regional authorities would be increased at the cost of the central government. He bases his plan in part on the ideas of John Rawls, especially on his 'law of peoples'. Close analysis of Menkiti's views shows that his vision of the managerial state is only a temporary solution, which is to lead to the peaceful dismemberment of the current post-colonial model of multi-ethnic states functioning within the old colonial borders. The basic value of Menkiti's thought rests in his reversal of the usual perspective on African states, as he considers that maintaining territorial integrity or achieving unity should no longer be considered a paramount necessity.
4
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Wizja państwa pozapartyjnego w myśli Kwasi Wiredu, czyli o utopii zrodzonej z doświadczeń rzeczywistości

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Trzciński K.
Forum Politologiczne
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2009
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vol. 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce
43-71
EN
Kwasi Wiredu is one of the most outstanding contemporary African philosophers. He was born in Ghana and currently is a lecturer working in the United States. In his political works he uncovers different shortcomings of the concept of liberal democracy and suggests constituting democracy in Africa on the basis of indigenous political traditions, which in his mind are of democratic nature. Wiredu is of very negative opinion about the condition of contemporary 'majoritarian' democracies since their political mechanisms are rather adversarial in character. On the contrary, he perceives politics in many traditional African societies as very conciliatory. Thus the Ghanaian thinker supports the idea of introducing into modern African politics such traditional political institutions as deliberation (palaver) and consensus. Wiredu also suggests substituting present-day political parties for political associations. Such associations would have specific goals and Wiredu believes that in a nonparty state the government would not be created on their basis. Although Wiredu's critical approach especially towards the realities of ongoing political changes in Africa is well understood and justified, his concept has many drawbacks. This article is aimed at showing and analyzing some of them and make readers realize how difficult it is to transfer some political solutions, which once could have been very useful in some small homogenous communities, into present-day multi-ethnic societies.
5
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Wygrać, aby przegrać? Rzecz o genezie, istocie i politycznych skutkach specjalnej autonomii prowincji Aceh w Indonezji

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Trzciński K.
Studia Politologiczne
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2018
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vol. 50
237-260
EN
The aim of the article is to explain the origins and essence of the special autonomy of the Indonesian province of Aceh and the preliminary identification of the political consequences of its implementation. The local Aceh elite has been fighting for autonomy or independence almost since the establishment of independent Indonesia. The autonomy, finally introduced in 2006, contains original political, cultural and economic arrangements. Thanks to autonomy, regional ethnic parties can rule Aceh on their own. However, this is not happening. The article attempts to answer the question why the political effects of the implementation of autonomy in Aceh significantly differ from the predictions of those who fought for it.
6
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Poglądy wybranych intelektualistów afrykańskich na temat wpływu mocarstw kolonialnych na rozwój państwa w Afryce kolonialnej

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Trzciński K.
Forum Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne
61-83
EN
This article provides a description of a Nigerian political thinker Claude Ake's and Sierra Leonian philosopher George M. Carew's views concerning the impact of colonial powers on the political and, to a lesser extent, economic - development of a postcolonial African state. According to their opinions, colonial powers are especially responsible for introducing in their African colonies during the period of decolonization such democratic institutions and solutions that were inadequate for multiethnic societies. This did not contributed to the building of democratic, peaceful, and politically and economically stable states in Africa.Ake's and Carew's views are enriched with the opinions of the economic and political Black thinker Arthur W. Lewis from Saint Lucia, who was a Nobel prize laureate in 1979 and earlier an advisor to some of the newly established West African states' governments. Lewis's outlooks seem useful in the analysis of the whole issue. Both Ake and Carew, and Lewis suggested their own proposals of changing the concept of majoritarian democracy for the purpose of a multiethnic African state. In the final part of this article the political solutions long existing in plural societies of Switzerland, Cyprus, and Lebanon are shortly presented. Though not implemented in political systems of multiethnic societies of Africa in the period of democratization they could have been useful then.
7
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Czym jest stabilność polityczna państwa?

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Trzciński K.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2015
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issue 2
37-47
EN
This paper deals with the problem of defining the concept of the political stability of a state. Its aim is to answer the following question: What does the statement that ‘a given state is politically stable’ mean? The paper is composed of four parts. In the first one the meanings of the words: ‘stable,’ ‘stability’ and ‘stabilisation’ are explained. In the second part, the meaning of the term ‘political stability’ in political science literature is analysed. In the third part of the paper, quantitative attempts at formulating the sense of the concept of political stability are discussed. In conclusion, an attempt to arrive at a definition of the concept is made via a synthesis of the elements most frequently used in academic literature devoted to explaining the essence of political stability; the possible correlation between the existence of political stability and the principal types of political regime (democracy and authoritarianism) is evaluated; and the major conceptual approaches in understanding the term under consideration are identified.
PL
Streszczenie: Artykuł traktuje o problemie definiowania pojęcia „stabilność polityczna” państwa. Głównym jego celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie, co znaczy stwierdzenie, że dane państwo jest stabilne politycznie. Artykuł składa się z czterech części. W pierwszej wyjaśniany jest leksykalny sens słów: „stabilny”, „stabilność” i „stabilizacja”. W drugiej części analizowane jest rozumienie znaczenia terminu „stabilność polityczna” w piśmiennictwie politologicznym. Trzecia część artykułu poświęcona jest omówieniu kwantytatywnych prób ujmowania sensu pojęcia stabilności politycznej. W zakończeniu podjęta została próba zdefiniowania przedmiotowego terminu polegająca na syntezie elementów najczęściej spotykanych w propozycjach wyjaśniania istoty stabilności politycznej; oceniono związek między istnieniem stabilności politycznej a podstawowymi typami reżimu politycznego: demokracją i autorytaryzmem; oraz zidentyfikowano główne podejścia konceptualne w pojmowaniu przedmiotowego terminu.
8
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Istota i główne modele power-sharing w kontekście wieloetniczności. Zarys problematyki

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Trzciński K.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2016
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issue 3
27-40
EN
This paper discusses the essence and key models of power-sharing. While power-sharing can be construed in a very broad way, a narrow understanding of it is analyzed in this paper. It refers to the phenomenon of the sharing of state power by different segments (e.g. ethnic groups and/or religious communities) of plural societies, especially multi-ethnic and/or multi-religious groups. There are two aims of this paper: 1) to explain how the concept of power-sharing in a multi-ethnic context is understood in the literature, and 2) to identify the main characteristics of the principal models of power-sharing (confessionalism, the Lewis Model, consociationalism, and centripetalism).
PL
Artykuł traktuje w zarysie o istocie i głównych modelach power-sharing. Choć powersharing może być pojmowane w sposób bardzo szeroki, tematyka tego artykułu dotyczy jego wąskiego rozumienia. Odnosi się ono do fenomenu dzielenia się władzą państwową przez różne segmenty (np. grupy etniczne lub wspólnoty religijne) społeczeństw pluralnych (podzielonych, sfragmentaryzowanych), w tym zwłaszcza wieloetnicznych i/lub wieloreligijnych. Głównym celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie treści power-sharing we wskazanym wąskim rozumieniu i wytłumaczenie w zarysie jego głównych modeli (konfesjonalizm, model Lewisa, konsocjonalizm, centrypetalizm).
9
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O afrykańskim stanie rzeczy. Analiza teorii systemu autorstwa Paulina J. Hountondji'ego

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Trzciński K.
Forum Politologiczne
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2011
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vol. 12 - Problemy bogactwa i biedy we współczesnej Afryce
393-413
EN
This article treats on the system theory proposed by a Beninese philosopher Paulin J. Hountondji to explain in part a bad condition of African societies and states. According to Hountondji a socio- political state of affairs in a typical African state is characterized by a serious malfunction of state institutions and highly imperfect organization of day-to-day life of Africans. Hountondji criticizes numerous shortcomings of life in African states, including institutional inertia, senseless activities, waste of time, energy, and health of Africans. The Beninese philosopher is looking for some hidden, system basis for the mentioned characteristics. The aim of this article is to describe Hountondji's views, underline their value, but also analyze them in a critical way.
10
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Citizenship in Europe: The Main Stages of Development of the Idea and Institution

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Trzciński K.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2021
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vol. 25
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issue 1
7-31
EN
This paper identifies and synthetically demonstrates the most important steps and changes in the evolution of the idea and institution of citizenship in Europe over more than two thousand years. Citizenship is one of the essential categories defining human status. From a historical perspective, the idea of citizenship in Europe is in a state of constant evolution. Therefore, the essence of the institution of citizenship and its acquisition criteria are continually being transformed. Today's comprehension of citizenship is different from understanding citizenship in Europe in earlier epochs of history. In some of them, the concept of citizenship existed only in the realm of ideas. In others, the idea materialised, and membership in the state (or city) and civic rights and obligations found a formal, legal expression. The formation of the idea and institution of citizenship is a long and multi-phase process.
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