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Czy zbrodnia ludobójstwa na Ukrainie w latach 1932-1933 to mit?

100%
Wasiuta O.
Forum Politologiczne
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2007
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vol. 6 - Odmiany dyskursu politycznego
29-62
EN
The Ukrainian Holodomor (famine-genocide) in 1932-1933 be-came for Ukrainians the same, as Holocaust for Jewries and carnage in 1915 for Armenians. As a tragedy the scales of which it is impossible to understand, hunger injured nation, leaving on its body deep social, psychological and demographic scars which carries until now. Holodomor gave up black shade on methods and achievements of the soviet system. Researchers name the different numbers of lost during holodomor, but in any case, the question is about millions of innocent victims. Taking into account indirect victims, by provisional calculations, Holodomor took away life of 14 million people. The reason of Holodomor was the policy of the Stalin-mode in relation to Ukrainians as a nation and, in particular, in relation to peasants as to the class. The primary objective of organization of artificial famine was injury of social base of resistance of Ukrainians against communist power and providing of total control from the side of the state of all layers of population. Opponents cannot explain the enormous amount of victims of famine, but deny assertions, that soviet authority could destroy people. It is not needed to explain to the oversea opponents of genocide theory, why Nazis, for example, exterminated Jewries, and they cannot imagine, that own government destroyed not political opponents, but millions far from a policy children, women and old people. The problem of Holodomor to this day has political character. Noteworthy the aspect of famine is an attempt to delete it from public consciousness. Yet to quite recent time soviet position was taken to objection of fact of famine. If all scales of tragedy got winds, obviously, it would inflict serious harm by that image of country, that Moscow aimed to create both for itself at home, and abroad. That is why authority long forbade openly talk about famine in SRSR. One of opponent's arguments of Holodomor confession in supposition that in the genocide of the Ukrainian people will accuse today's Russia. Besides, Russia provokes such idea through the statements of MFA. And although in society a consensus already formed in relation to confession of Holodomor as an act of genocide, however by virtue of insufficient knowledge, propagandas of the proper political forces and unclear position of political leaders, part of Ukrainian population does not understand the real consequences of this tragedy. Ukrainian nation is tragic nation, because its own historians continue until now to look at own history, through Russian glasses. From their point of view - there was not genocide, because in the imperial seeing there is the unique Slavonic people, two parts of which are little variously named. While hungry pestilence will remain a white spot in history, until then humanity will not see all chain genocides in XX century.
2
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Przywłaszczenie historii jako sposób walki informacyjno-psychologicznej Rosji przeciwko Ukrainie

63%
Wasiuta O., Wasiuta S.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2022
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issue 2(33)
21-44
RU
В статье авторы анализируют деятельность Российской Федерации, которая фальсифицирует, переписывает, подменяет понятия, занимается героизацией и дегероизацией некоторых выдающихся исторических деятелей, присваивает историческое прошлое украинской нации, утверждая, что Украина является неотъемлемой частью истории России и ее культурного пространства. Цель статьи - проанализировать присвоение и фальсификацию истории как средство ведения войны, в том числе информационной, между Россией и Украиной.
EN
In the article, the authors analyze the activities of Russian Federation, which falsifies, rewrites, substitutes concepts, deals with the heroization and deheroization of some outstanding historical figures and appropriates the historical past of the Ukrainian nation, arguing that Ukraine is an integral part of Russia’s history and its cultural space. The aim of the article is to analyze the usurpation and falsification of history as a means of war, including information war of Russia against Ukraine.
3
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Russian Mass-Media Manipulation of Information in Hybrid Warfare Against Ukraine

63%
Wasiuta O., Wasiuta S.
Security Dimensions: International & National Studies
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2016
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vol. 17(17)
73-98
EN
The article concerns the mass-media manipulation of information in Russia about RussianUkrainian conflict with the help of the media controlled by government. The authors point out that the Kremlin has always manipulated the content of information and with the beginning of the Revolution of Dignity manipulation and disinformation has gained unimaginable momentum, treating Maidan as a negative event, as a coup. At the moment of aggression, in the network hundreds of websites and social network groups appeared, which „objectively” are informing about the events. The message of this campaign is to justify the uprising against the new, legitimate government in Kiev. The propaganda potential is directed at presentation of the Russian version of events, and the overall aim is to diversify the public opinion. An important point of this strategy is to create an image of Russia as a victim of cynical game of Western establishment, accused on this occasion for a complete distortion of Putin’s image as well as the causes of Ukrainian conflict and its course.
4
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„Mała wojna” Rosji i Gruzji a rozpoczęcie wyścigu zbrojeń dronów

63%
Wasiuta O., Wasiuta S.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2021
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vol. 3(30)
9-31
RU
В статье исследуется использование дронов Россией и Грузией в ходе пятидневной войны в 2008 г. Быстро растущее использование летательных дронов в значительной степени влияет на способность различных стран и вооруженных группировок вести войну. Это может иметь серьезные последствия для региональной безопасности. Стремительно возрастающее использование дронов и роботов, а также военный анализ на основе новых данных, вероятно, окажут огромное влияние на будущее боевых действий в проведении различных военных операций. Aвторы статьи пытаются ответить на ряд важных вопросов, связанных с этой пятидневной войной, в частности: каковы были причины российско-грузинской войны, кто ее начал, кто победил, кто проиграл и кто помог положить конец этой войне? Авторы подчеркивают, что война показала слабость реакции и механизмoв безопасности НАТО и ЕС, поскольку они не отреагировали быстро и эффективно на принудительное изменение границ и оккупацию Россией территории независимого государства. Война также показала противоречия в Европе между западными странами, которые одновременно хотели поддерживать хорошие отношения с Россией и независимыми государствами Восточной Европы.
EN
This article examines drone usage by Russia and Georgia in Five-Day War during 2008. Rapidly increasing the use of lethal drones profoundly shapes the ability of various countries and armed groups to wage war. This could have serious consequences for regional security. The rapidly increasing use of drones and robots as well as data-driven military analysis are likely to have a significant impact on the future of hostilities in military operations. In this article, the authors want to answer the most important questions related to this five-day war: what were the causes of Russo-Georgian war, who started this war, who were the winners of this war and who lost it, who helped to end this war. Authors emphasize that the war showed weaknesses in NATO and EU security systems, as they did not react effectively to the forced border change and Russia’s territory occupation of an independent state. The war also showed cracks in Europe between Western powers that wanted to maintain good relations with Russia and Eastern European Countries at the same time.
5
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Fake Solidarity? Actions Taken by the Russian Opposition Since the Outbreak of Full-Scale War in Ukraine

63%
Szeląg P., Wasiuta O.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2025
|
issue 1(54)
181-198
EN
The article aims to show the actions the Russian nonsystemic opposition took after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. We prove that the Russian opposition has been deeply divided since that time. It includes various leaders and factions who want to play an essential role in post-Putin Russia. It also presents multiple opinions on Russia’s internal and external policies. On the other hand, since the outbreak of war in Ukraine, the Russian opposition has been more visible both in Eastern and Western Europe. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part, we establish the genesis of the current nonsystemic opposition in Russia and its exile. We also present the most well-known oppositionists in the Russian political scene. In the second part, we analyze the meetings and conferences of the Russian opposition in exile from March 2022 to February 2024. It enables us to find the plans of the Russian opposition for rebuilding a political system in post-Putin Russia. The article is based on desk research, historical methods, and thematic analysis.
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