Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 13

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The text presents a few reflections on the Roman criminal law in the Institutions of Marcianus. During the analysis it has been established that the Justinianic compilers drew heavily on this jurist’s work. This was applied not only to individual institu- tions of criminal law (e.g. intentional and unintentional fault or crimen maiestatis), but also Marcianus’s fragments repeatedly pointed to titles of the books in librii terribiles (books 47 to 48 in the Digest of Justinian). Marcianus knew well the imperial constitutions (in particular rescripts), which was probably related to the work in the imperial office (scrinium libellorum). The imperial constitutions suit, primarily, the shape of criminal law in the imperial period, should be noted. One cannot exclude that the hypothetical work in the imperial office and a good knowledge of the imperial rescripts determined the frequent reaching for the Institutiones by the compilers of Justinian.
PL
S. Pietrini, L’insegnamento del diritto penale nei libri Institutionum, Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, Napoli 2012, 174 strony
EN
The main point of this text is an attempt to present a few duties of the praetor and try to stipulate the origins of them. First of all it should be noted that the term praetor was not consistently used to describe only the jurisdictional magistrate, and it was used in relation, for example, to the consuls. This was probably because the sound etymological sense of the word (praeire: “to go before, to precede, to lead the way”). The appointment of praetor urbanus in 367 BC under leges Licniae Sextiae was not associated with the need to carry out a jurisdictional competence. The origins of the magistrate were strictly military in its nature, which since the end of the third century BC gave way to the area of jurisdiction. Raised considerations apply also to the praetor for foreigners (praetor peregrinus), who has not resolved disputes between the Romans and foreigners (peregrini), and his role was to ensure the military security of Italy. The jurisdictional competence of the pretorship as the most “famous” begins to emerge in the late third century BC, which is likely to be linked not only with the increase in the number of praetors, but mainly obviates external threat from the Carthage. It seems to indicate that the jurisdictional competence (civil and criminal) was not assigned to pretorship at the beginning of this office. It appears at least at the end of the third century BC and starts to become predominant among others which were associated with this office in ancient Rome.
Zeszyty Prawnicze
|
2014
|
vol. 14
|
issue 3
117-147
PL
SOME REMARKS ON THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE MAGISTRATUS POPULI ROMANI IN THE LIGHT OF PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LAW Summary The article presents the immunity process for the magistratus populi Romani on the grounds of ius privatum and ius publicum. In view of the source material which has been preserved this subject is generally discussed in terms of the magistratus maiores and magistratus minores (senior and junior magistrates). I show that under private law senior magistrates, who were vested with imperium, were protected against in ius vocatio summons during their term in office. On the other hand, their junior colleagues, the magistratus minores, who were equipped only with potestas, could be sued in the course of their term. Hence, they did not enjoy the warranty process which served the exclusive benefit of the senior magistrates of Republican Rome. Due to the profound evolution that Roman criminal proceedings underwent, a uniform approach to the issue of immunity against prosecution was never developed. The first successful attempt to introduce magistrates’ immunity has to be associated with the lex Acilia repetundarum, which had a limited scope: only senior magistrates and those junior magistrates who exercised the powers of imperium were its beneficiaries; also it only applied to the crimen repetundarum. The lex Memmia de absentibus, which was adopted in 113 BC, was not much more than a half-measure, but it definitely broadened the group of protected magistrates. It is difficult to determine whether it was treated as a general lex, applicable not only to the standing courts (quaestiones perpetuae) and to the extraordinary court (quaestiones extraordinariae), but also to the iudicia populi (the “people’s courts” or centuriate assemblies). However, it is most likely that the provisions of this lex applied to the extraordinary criminal courts, since the quaestiones perpetuae did not start operations until the late second century BC.
EN
Presented considerations concerning lex Poetelia de ambitu permit to prove that yet in the first half of the 4th century B.C. Romans started to notice the need to limit activities related to electoral campaign. Direct meetings of the candidate (and his supporters) with potential electors on markets and places of public assembly gave opportunity for active agitation in favour of a specific candidate for a distinction. It is worthwhile mentioning that this particular form of election campaign was conducted by homines novi who probably wanted to manifest their political aspirations. It seems this was an effective means of campaigning, otherwise it would be difficult to explain why it was decided to enact lex Poetelia de ambitu.
PL
Jill Harries, Law and Crime in the Roman World, Cambridge University Press 2007, X+148 stron.
PL
Międzynarodowa konferencja naukowa «Il Diritto romano privato e la cultura del diritto in Europa», Sankt Petersburg, 27–29 maja 2010 r.
PL
Omnis autem actio vacare debet temeritate et neglegentia*. Kilka uwag na marginesie pracy Dominiki Mróz, Prawo rzymskie. Testy dla studentów, Warszawa 2009
PL
Francesca Scotti, Il deposito nel diritto romano. Testi con traduzione italiana e commento, Torino 2008, XXVIII+244 strony.
PL
Skutki prawne zakazu zawierania małżeństw wdowom w prawie rzymskim   Streszczenie W okresie archaicznym pogwałcenie zakazu odnoszącego się do żałoby było czynnością określoną jako nefas i dlatego miała tutaj zastosowanie sankcja prawa sakralnego. Wdowa powinna była złożyć ofiarę ekspiacyjną zwaną piaculum, którą była bovis feta. Norma sakralno-obyczajowa doznawała przeobrażeń i przekształciła się w ius. Zakaz zawarcia ponownego małżeństwa przez wdowę w okresie tempus lugendi był postrzegany w epoce przedklasycznej przede wszystkim przez pryzmat sankcji ius civile. Zachodziła bowiem obawa co do ojcostwa przyszłego potomstwa, które urodziłaby owdowiała kobieta. W tekście edictum perpetuum zostały wymienione osoby, które podlegały infamii w przypadku złamania zakazu secundae nuptiae wdowy po śmierci męża. Nie mogły one działać postulare pro aliis ani też występować jako procurator lub cognitor. Pretorska infamia pociągała za sobą niemożność ustanawiania tych zastępców procesowych. Epoka klasyczna przyniosła zasadnicze zmiany w kwestii secundae nuptiae. Cesarz August, pomimo że zachęcał do zawierania powtórnych związków małżeńskich, to jednak w swoich ustawach pozostawił wdowie pewien okres (vacatio) w czasie którego mogła ona powstrzymać się od powtórnego małżeństwa. Regulacje te miały swój związek z żałobą a przede wszystkim były próbą okazania przez cesarza szacunku dla univira. Cesarz August utrzymał w mocy przepisy, które okrywały niesławą osoby naruszające zakaz powtórnego małżeństwa wdowy po śmierci męża. Aktualność tych regulacji spowodowała, że stały się przedmiotem komentarzy jurystów, chociażby ze względu konieczność uniknięcia niepewności co do ojcostwa przyszłego potomstwa, które urodziłaby owdowiała kobieta. Unormowania mogą też świadczyć o tym, że ich twórcom przyświecała idea, by małżeństwa były zawierane liberorum procreandorum causa, co w rezultacie miało doprowadzić do kontynuacji rzymskich rodzin w przyszłości, a szczególności sfery ich sacra, nomina czy pecunia.
EN
In the archaic period violations of the prohibition relating to mourning was regarded as a nefas and hence subject to penalisation under religious law. A widow guilty of an infringement was required to make an expiatory sacrifce known as a piaculum, viz. a bovis feta. This religious and customary practice underwent a series of transformations and eventually became a law (ius). In the pre-classical period the prohibition on the remarriage of widows in the period of mourning was perceived primarily as subject to penalties laid down by civil law. This was due to the question of the paternity of any offspring such a widow might bear in the tempus lugendi. The edictum perpetuum names the persons who were liable to infamy if they committed a breach of the prohibition on the remarriage of a widow within the period of mourning for her deceased husband. Such persons could neither engage in postulare pro aliis nor act as a procurator or cognitor. One of the consequences of a sentence of praetorian infamy was the convicted person’s forfeiture of the right to appoint his or her plenipotentiaries for legal proceedings. The classical period brought fundamental changes in the law on remarriage. Nonetheless, even though Augustus encouraged citizens to remarry, yet his legal provisions left widows a certain period of time following the loss of their husband in which they could refrain from remarrying. The reason behind this legal arrangement was not so much mourning as such; it was rather a question of Augustus wanting to show his respect for univirae (women who had been married only once). Augustus kept in force the provisions that gave a bad reputation to people who violated the prohibition of widows’ remarriage. The significance and effectiveness of these regulations made them a subject for jurists’ commentary, on account of the need to avoid situations where the paternity of children born to widows was uncertain. The prohibition on the remarriage of widows also shows that the creators of these regulations wanted marriage to be contracted primarily for the purpose of procreation, which would ensure the continuation of Roman families, especially as regards the perpetuation of their sacra, nomina, and pecunia.
12
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Edykt cesarza Hadriana o oliwie1

51%
EN
Emperor Hadrian was known for his sympathy for Greek culture. As a result of thishe passed a statute regulating the sale of fish in Attica. However, the Emperor paidparticular attention to Athens and decided to pass an imperial constitution (edictum)regulating the oil trade. The document has been preserved on the western gate ofthe Roman forum, but in a few places it contains gaps in the text that unleash its fullanalysis. The preserved regulation allows to show the sense of Emperor Hadrian’smarket policy. The main issue was to regulate the sale of oil and its supplies to Athens,with simultaneous indication of crimes and penalties as well as the procedure beforethe administration of justice in the event of violation of the provisions of the edictumHadriani de re olearia.
PL
Cesarz Hadrian był znany ze swych sympatii do kultury greckiej. Wyrazem tego byłachociażby kwestia regulacji sprzedaży ryb w Attyce. Jednakże szczególną atencjącesarz darzył Ateny i zdecydował się wydać konstytucję cesarską (edictum) regulującą kwestię handlu oliwą. Dokument zachował się na zachodniej bramie forumrzymskiego, lecz w kilku miejscach zawiera luki w tekście uniemożliwiające jego peł-ną analizę. Zachowane przepisy pozwalają ukazać sens regulacji cesarza Hadriana.Pierwszoplanową kwestią była problematyka regulacji sprzedaży oliwy i jej dostawdo Aten, z jednoczesnym wskazaniem sankcji karnych i procedury przed wymiarem sprawiedliwości w przypadku naruszenia postanowień edictum of Hadriani dere olearia.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.