This article investigates the source and evolution of nationalism in Ethiopia. Nationalism is defined on the bases of certain criteria, such as language culture and shared values within a specific ethnic group.Ethiopia is the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural country. There are more than 80 different ethnic groups and as many languages.The relations between these ethnic groups had never been smooth. The development of nationalism and violence goes back to the very historical foundation of the Ethiopian state, which is based on the forced incorporation of independent Southern nations. The centralized Ethiopian State in favor of a single ethnic group mainly (Amhara) imposed domination on other ethnic groups. On the background of this history, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Tigraj Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), Eritrean Peoples Democratic Liberation Front (EPDLF) among others, opened an armed resistance against the State. After along destructive fight, Eritrea became an independent country. Many other ethnic groups similarly, based on ethnic nationalism formed their own liberation fronts as the ultimate goal of independence, are still fighting. The fast growing process of ethnic nationalism in Ethiopia may cause the disintegration of the country, unless the genuine and equal participation of all ethnic groups in the political cultural and economic life of the country is guaranteed by law.
This article tries to show the spread of Islam to the Horn of Africa and its relations with the political system of the countries in the region. The analysis mainly focuses on the political situations within the context of Islam in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan. The first contact of Islam with Ethiopia began in 615 AD, when the early followers of Islam were encouraged by Prophet Mohammed to flee Arabia because of persecution and sent to Ethiopia to seek protection from King Armah of Axum (North - Eastern part of modern Ethiopia). Among the group of refugees, there were Prophet Mohammed's wife and his cousin. Islam reached the Horn of Africa from across the Red Sea, mainly by Muslim traders. The spread of Islam can also be defined by the logic of the nearness of geographical location of the Horn of Africa to Arabia, the birth place of Islam, relatively easy for the transnational relations and cultural interaction. Today the vast majority of the people of the Horn of Africa are Muslims. During the colonial period in Somalia and Sudan Islam had played a unifying role to strengthen the struggle for freedom. In the Muslim countries of the Horn of Africa, such as Somalia and Sudan, Islam and political power is not separated. The imposition of sharia as the state law in Sudan in 1993 was the major factor of conflict between the North and the South in which more than two million people have lost their lives, and millions left their home as refugees.
Political leadership during the period of freedom movement in Africa had a dominant role. They coordinated and led the independence struggle against colonialism. The case of independence became the common goal of all Africans. Political leaders had full sup port of their people, among well known charismatic leaders Kwame Nkrumah can be mentioned. After the gradual success of common vision, which was independence, the view of previous freedom leaders was diversified on the process of continent's unity; they were divided into three different groups. The Casablanca group favoured a strong political union of independent Africa; the Monrovia group supported functional non-political cooperation and the Brazzaville group which stood for a gradual concept of African Unity starting with regional cooperation. Eventually all the leaders of three groups agreed to form the Organization of African Unity. Most of the freedom leaders started to build their power, based on a single party system, planning to stay in power for lifelong. These leaders became dictators and corrupted. Transfer of state power was based on violence. Some are still in office from the period of independence. Others died naturally exercising power while most of them were overthrown by military coupe or forced to leave office. They failed in terms of nation building. Conflict over power sharing started at the early stage of independence and still continues. The legacy of wrong exercise of power had resulted in ethnic conflict, political, economic and social crisis in Africa.
Ethiopia shares its frontiers with 5 countries: Sudan, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, and Djibouti. It has border disputes with all above mentioned countries. However, the nature and the extent of the problem vary; based on the specific relations with individual country. This article focuses on the major Ethiopian wars of border with Somalia and Eritrea. The politics of post-independence Somalia during the early 1960s was dominated by public opinion to unify all areas populated by ethnic Somalis into one country, to realize the concept of "Greater Somalia". Somalia has border dispute with Ethiopia especially Ogaden, in the South East of the country. Somalia started the border war with Ethiopia in February 1964. The conflict was ended by fast and successful intervention of the Organization of African Unity. The second war of Ogaden erupted in July 1977. Somalia decided to invade Ogaden, when internal political problems in Ethiopia were intensified, after emperor Haile Selasse was over thrown by the military. The Superpowers were also involved in the war; The Soviet Union and its allies supported Ethiopia and the United States, the Somali side. During the second war of Ogaden, about 8,000 Somali soldiers have been killed. In the aftermath of the war more than 400 000 civilians have been displaced. Ethiopia won both, the first and the second war of Ogaden. The war between Ethiopia and Eritrea over the border dispute started in May 1998 and ended in December 2000. Tens of thousands of people have lost their life in the conflict. Different sources have provided different numbers of victims of war on both sides. Approximately from 70 000 to 100 000 from the Ethiopian side and 30 000 Eritreans have lost their life. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), and the United Nations, the United States of America and other countries have actively involved in the peace process to stop the war. After two years of war, both parties agreed to form an independent boundary commission whose decision would be final and binding. In accordance with the treaty of Algiers, Eritrea accepted the April 2002 decision by an international Boundary Commission delimiting its borders with Ethiopia; but Ethiopia rejected it. The Security Council on 31 June 2000, by its resolution 1312 established the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), to verify the cessation of hostilities Agreement and assist in planning peace keeping. The Security Council of the UN unanimously adopted resolution 1827, on 30 July 2008, which terminated the mandate of the United Nations mission in Eritrea and Ethiopia. This decision came after Eritrea imposed restrictions on UNMEE, which could not carry out its mandate tasks. So far, there is no solution for the disputed areas, which means a war can be erupted again at any time.
This article investigates and assesses the legal problem of political parties in Ethiopia. Ethiopian rulers have denied a legitimate role of political party and saw it as the threat to their power. The evolution of party system in Ethiopia can be divided into three periods: 1. During Emperor Haile Selassie's reign 2. The period of military rule 3. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) led Government from 1991 up to the present. The first constitution of Ethiopia (1931), banned the presence of any political organization in Ethiopia. The Emperor was the head of the state, head of the government, and commander-in-chief of the Empire. He had absolute authority over the Imperial Military and bureaucracy. The Emperor had sole power to appoint and dismiss the regional governors and members of parliament. In 1974 the military government brought the absolute monarchical rule to an end. During the military junta all civilian opposition groups had been destroyed or forced underground. In most cases, political opponents were systematically targeted; there were human rights abuses, tens of thousands of people disappeared or were murdered in what was known as the „Red Terror" and hundreds of thousands were imprisoned. After the military government was overthrown by rebel groups in 1991, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), created the coalition of EPRDF by involving several ethnic based political parties. During 1990s, a lot of political parties based on ethnic background, were formed. Many of them are delegalized. Those registered legally also cannot run their programme for political power, because of systematic restriction on them. Security forces of the ruling party commit politically motivated arbitrary killings, detention, torture and other forms of human rights abuse on political opponents. Ethiopia is de facto single-party sys- tem in which a dominant single political party forms the government and no other parties are permitted to run candidates for election; unfair laws and practices of the present minority government pre- vent the opposition from legally getting power.
Objectives The analysis further tries to enlighten the problems of internal mobility in Ethiopia. It also refers to other factors causing internal displacement of citizens such as ethnic border conflicts. Material and methods In this research, major causes of internal migration in Ethiopia and their ultimate consequences will be discussed based on the secondary data analysis and textual studies of documents. Results The circumstances have been particularly terrible in the conflict region where IDPs were deprived of any assistance because of difficulties in humanitarian access to the region. The IDPs were affected as a result of malnutrition and a high risk of an outbreak of disease. These people have suffered frequent displacements from their areas of origin and need stronger safety guarantees before they return to their region. The international community is also involved to support IDPs, following the opening of access to the affected location. Conclusions The scale and difficulty of internal displacement in Ethiopia need durable solutions. Escalation of the ongoing conflict may lead to economic decline and political instability. Collaboration with humanitarian and development organizations could be important, but a large part of the problem must be addressed by Ethiopian authorities and Ethiopian citizens. The role of humanitarian support is to enhance the efforts of national governments, responsible to tackle the root causes of conflicts. Religious leaders, elders, federal and regional authorities at all levels, need to seek ways and strategies to build peace and stability between conflicting parties focusing on specific and unique problems concerning disputes between communities or different ethnic groups.
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