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EN
One of the fundamental issues raised in the study of political leadership is to seek determinants of becoming a political leader. Presented article shows a detailed analysis and the statement of the traditional and contemporary approaches to the process of the emergence of political leadership, organizing research considerations into four trends: the personal, situational, relational and reactive. The last suggestion is the author proposal. Political leader creates own role in interactions with the needs and expectations of potential voters, and modifies the current process of adapting to any changes in these needs and expectations. To a large extent, political leader is treated as a product, for which the fundamental task is to find consumers who “buy it”. Its crystallization is done indirectly, mainly through the media. This combination approach also shows the evolution of the research in this area and emphasizes the relevance of changes with regard to the socio-political environment.
PL
Abstract: The role of media in fulfilling the basic needs. Considerations in the context of the “uses and gratifications” theory The impact of media on both individuals and societies has always attracted much attention in the work of scholars engaged in communicational sciences. The paper is a reflection on the relationship between media and the needs of individuals. The author presents a number of studies that have contributed to the consolidation of the “uses and gratifications” theory and in the same time have designated the stages of its development. By examining the relationship between psychological classifications of needs (in particular Saymour Epstein’s Cognitive Self Theory – CEST) and the benefits of individual’s contact with media (in the classification of Denis McQuail), the author shows the role of media in the fulfilling the basic needs, indicating their high impact on the lives of individuals. Key words: uses and gratifications theory, media, communicational sciences, fulfilling the basic needs
EN
The five factor model of personality, so called "Big Five" of Paul T. Costa, and Robert R. McCrae is a valuable tool for researchers of individual differences, as it assumes the existence of supracultural and suprademographic and structurally most general personality dimensions, allowing for full and comprehensive characterization. The subject of the article are two factors of the "Big Five" model - openness to experience and agreeableness. Given their characteristics and the analysis described in the literature on the research subject, the author assumed that the political preferences of individuals with varying levels of the analyzed factors will vary also. There will also be a difference in their political behavior in terms of political activity - passivity. Diagnosis of openness to experience and agreeableness was conducted based on the NEO-FFI Personality Inventory of Paul T. Costa and Robert R. McCrae in the Polish adaptation of Bogdan Zawadzki, Jan Strelau, Piotr Szczepanik, and Magdalena Sliwinska.
EN
The article reflects on the diagnosis the levels of a sense of alienation in the context of voting behavior in elections to parliament in 2011. Social functioning, mental condition and the perception of the political scene are important primarily in the plane of the possibility of mobilization of individual electorates. It can be assumed that those who feel a sense of impact on the socio-political environment, recognizing the link between the actions taken by them and their effects are more likely to take part in elections. It is difficult to determine in which direction will influence the level of a sense of political alienation, as dissatisfaction with the current political scene, lack of trust in political leaders, the lack of any effect on its shape can result in one hand and the consequent withdrawal of political passivity, on the other – raise motivation to change the status quo through activity and voting for another party. A sense of an external anchor, the integration of values and other people may also be affected in two ways – firstly to provide the individual a sense of strength, support, and identification with a group of committed and interested in the election could translate into a significant mobilizing force, on the other, being in a safe place among the cherished values and loved ones can focus enough attention to the individual, that active participation of socio-political recedes into the background. The author`s research tool was used in the study – the Scale of Alienation ”Z”. It consists of measurements of three factors: a sense of powerlessness-power, a sense of political alienation-self-significant, sense of isolation-integration.
EN
The aim of this article is to verify the determinants of electoral volatility in local elections. Local politics is different from national politics, it has its own rules, it uses different channels to reach voters. Local politicians can use mechanism based on direct contact with voters more freely. This article analyzes determinants that play an important role in shaping voter’s behavior on the local level. Conclusions drawn present determinants that stem from the second-order character of local elections, specific voter’s motivations, campaigning themes, as well as peculiarity of independent candidate creation and the construction of committees. All this is preceded with a general reflection on theoretical tenets of electoral volatility.
PL
Celem artykułu jest weryfikacja czynników decydujących o specyfice chwiejności wyborczej na poziomie samorządowym. Polityka lokalna kieruje się innymi prawami, odmiennymi kanałami dociera do wyborców, inaczej ich aktywizuje. W większej mierze dostępne są jej mechanizmy bliższe obywatelom, dotykające bezpośrednio ich codziennego życia. Artykuł podejmuje analizę uwarunkowań, które odgrywają istotną rolę w generowaniu modeli zachowań wyborczych na poziomie lokalnym. Przedstawiona refleksja obejmuje czynniki wynikające z drugorzędności wyborów samorządowych, szczególne motywacje wyborcze obywateli, tematy kampanijne oraz specyfikę tworzenia komitetów i generowania kandydatów niezwiązanych z partiami politycznymi. Refleksję poprzedza przedstawienie głównych zagadnień teoretycznych związanych z chwiejnością wyborczą.
EN
The present article presents results of research conducted with the working assumption that voters perceive political parties in terms of traits characteristics for people, giving them a unique identity. Research was focused on defining the “personality” of a perfect political party; voters were asked about desired intensity of certain characteristics in such imagined perfect political entity. The taxonomy of traits presented to the respondents used the HEXACO model, by Kibeom Lee and Michael C. Aschton, which refers to a six-dimensional personality structure. The authors distinguished the following personality factors in the model: Honesty, Emotionality, Extraversion, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness and Openness to Experience.
EN
Modern election campaigns tend to be increasingly saturated with negative elements. Yet, the multi-dimensional nature of negative references in messages makes their real-life consequences very difficult to predict. Despite this fact, the acquisition and use – in various manners - of information in any way incriminating the political opponents is commonplace in modern election campaigns. In this context, the issues of activities that the negative campaign encompasses as well as boundaries in which the negative campaign fits in - the crossing of which may result in changing the outcomes assumed or planned by the sender of the messages – seem of particular interest. This article presents an analysis of the fundamental contexts of activities undertaken in the process of creating a negative image of a political entity or actor, and attempts to identify the boundaries of these areas. Among the most important analytical contexts, the author discusses the psychological, axiological, as well as normative and communication dimensions.
PL
Cechą współczesnych kampanii wyborczych jest coraz większe nasycenie ich elementami negatywnymi. Wielopłaszczyznowość odniesień negatywnych komunikatów sprawia jednak, że ich konsekwencje w rzeczywistości trudno przewidzieć. Mimo tego, zdobywanie i wykorzystywanie w różnym zakresie informacji w jakikolwiek sposób obciążających przeciwników politycznych jest powszechne we współczesnych kampaniach wyborczych. W tym kontekście interesujące wydają się obszary, w jakich kampania negatywna mieści zakres swoich działań i jednocześnie ich granice, których przekroczenie może uzasadniać zmianę ostatecznych konsekwencji podjętych przez nadawcę praktyk. Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje analizę fundamentalnych kontekstów działań podejmowanych w ramach procesów kreacji negatywnego wizerunku podmiotu politycznego oraz próbę nakreślenia granic tych obszarów. Wśród najważniejszych odniesień autorka podejmuje wymiary: psychologiczny, aksjologiczny, komunikacyjny oraz normatywny
EN
The article discusses the relationships between a sense of alienation and the use of mass media. This discussion was triggered by the idea of the media's significant power in the lives of individuals and their ability to meet fundamental needs. Given the fact that the level of a sense of alienation implies the level of citizens' socio-political activity, defining the role of the media focuses on their importance in the process of building a civil society.
EN
The author's main area of reflection is location (place) identity. The processes of constructing and subsequent cultivating of one’s loyalty to the place and one’s identification with it rely on two psychological mechanisms: the need for belonging and social identity. Regional identity, which marks the foundation of the activity of regional organizations, is a special kind of social identity. The article focuses on how the relationship between regional and national identity is built in the communications and activity of regional organizations. The author suggests her own unique classification of strategies: regional autonomy, national and regional dichotomy and the national dominant.
11
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Reactive political leadership

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EN
We live in the twenty-first century, which witnessed by far the most intensive marketing of politics, and traditional approaches (The Great Man Theory, ‘situational’, ‘relational’) to the process of emergence of political leadership are simply not enough. Cooperation between leaders and their followers is determined by cultural and social context, specific political situation of the time, patterns of social behavior. Development of new information technologies and dissemination of the means of mass communication have introduced another factor to the analyzed process, forced by civilisational changes. These changes initiated the processes shaping the emergence of a fourth approach to political leadership, which we may call ‘reactive’. Reactivity is an active process of management of the changing image of the leader, responding to the evolving social preferences, and subsequently disseminated through the media.
EN
The paper looks at the issue of the psychological conditioning of the preferences concerning the shape of governance system and the system of political parties in Poland in the light of empirical research (N=1086), carried out in 2009. The analysis takes into account the variables of self-assessment, dispositional optimism, self-efficacy and dispositional fear. These variables, accounting for the cognitive functioning of individuals, the level of their involvement and motivation, have turned out to be significant when differentiating individuals’ preferences concerning political systems.
EN
The aim of the presented study was to diagnose the role of religious engagement in the social attitudes of young Silesians, operationalized on the continuum of closeness vs. openness in three areas: (1) community engagement, (2) approval for religion’s interference in the public space, and (3) accepting Catholic Church hierarchs’ views on problems such as euthanasia, artificial contraception, homosexual relationships and in vitro fertilization. The group defined in the presented study is young (age: 16-19) Silesians from Śląskie (Silesian) Province, for whom religion is one of the fundamental values and is regarded by scholars as the core of their identity (N=567). The results of the study confirm that religious engagement is a significant predictor of a closed social attitude in two out of three areas proposed in the model. Higher religious engagement promotes the desire to incorporate the approved religious principles into the secular space. Religious engagement is also a significant predictor of acceptance of Catholic Church hierarchs’ views on underlined problems. The analysis did not show any significant relationships between religious engagement in community engagement of young Silesians.
EN
The paper presents a study aimed at finding psychological determinants for the political involvement of young people. The study involved verification of the importance of predictors such as basic hope (measured with the Basic Hope Inventory BHI-12 by Jerzy Trzebiński and Mariusz Zięba) and positive orientation (measured with the Positivity Scale, adapted into Polish by Mariola Łaguna, Piotr Oleś and Dorota Filipiuk) for the dependent variables presented as three autonomous factors: electoral participation, other forms of political participation, and civic attitude. Taking into account the theoretical assumptions connected with the variables, it was hypothesized in the study design process that those variables could play a significant role in political involvement. They were assumed to be among the potentially significant foundations generating community behaviors and leading to the development of attitudes oriented towards neighbors and the common good. The study (N=422) confirmed these expectations; the bivariate model proved to be the weakest predictor of electoral participation, but was a much better determinant for other forms of political participation and civic attitude.
PL
Przedstawiany artykuł mieści się w nurcie badań poszukujących psychologicznych uwarunkowań zaangażowania politycznego młodych. W badaniach zweryfikowano znaczenie predyktorów nadziei podstawowej (mierzonej Kwestionariuszem Nadziei Podstawowej – BHI-12 Jerzego Trzebińskiego i Mariusza Zięby) i orientacji pozytywnej (mierzonej Skalą Orientacji Pozytywnej w polskiej adaptacji Marioli Łaguny, Piotra Olesia oraz Doroty Filipiuk) dla zmiennej zależnej, przedstawianej jako trzy autonomiczne czynniki: partycypacja wyborcza, inne formy partycypacji politycznej oraz postawa obywatelska. Mając na uwadze założenia teoretyczne zmiennych w procesie projektowania badań postawiono hipotezę, że zmienne te mogą odgrywać istotną rolę w zaangażowaniu politycznym. Założono, że może to być jeden z istotnych fundamentów generujących zachowania wspólnotowe i kształtujących postawy ukierunkowane na drugiego człowieka i dobro wspólne. Przeprowadzone badania (N = 422) potwierdziły przypuszczenia, przy czym model dwuzmiennowy okazał się najsłabszym predyktorem partycypacji wyborczej, z kolei dla innych form partycypacji politycznej oraz postawy obywatelskiej okazał się lepszą determinantą.
EN
European Parliament elections are a special area for the analysis of electoral volatility understood as changes of electoral support for individual parties occurring in time. Firstly, it is so because they are referred to as second-order elections. Secondly, because despite their supranational character, voting behaviours occurring in them are to a considerable extent moderated by the national context. The article discusses the qualities of European elections which generate electoral volatility at various analysis levels.
EN
ARTICLE UNDERTAKES AN analysis of the relationship between electoral behavior of individuals and preferred by them socio-political order in the country. The results of studies carried out by the author in recent years indicate that the specified levels of intensity at the disposal of psychological units significantly differentiate, the one hand, political active and passive, on the other – the voters with different political preferences. Thus, the presented study included relevant aspect of the needs of citizens and possibilities for satisfying them by the various socio-political orders in the country. Indirectly, the analysis answers the question whether and in what direction the needs of individuals determine desire a specific socio-political order.
EN
The study’s main aim is to look for relationships between political beliefs and political subjectivity of grey voters (over 65). Political beliefs contain a motivational element, mainly due to being embedded in the values and needs of the respective individuals. This can affect the consciously created place of the citizen within the political system in different directions. The orientation of the study on the grey voters may be cognitively engaging due to the several sources related to historical events that took place in Poland. Political beliefs were conceptualized through dimensions on a left-right scale, where xenophobia and religious fundamentalism were diagnosed in the area of cultural beliefs. In contrast, acceptance of capitalism and anti-welfare were diagnosed in the area of economic beliefs. Political subjectivity was diagnosed using an original tool, whose preliminary analysis made it possible to distinguish three factors of the construct: political initiative, political sense, and identification with the political system.
EN
The aim of the text is to describe one of the basic functions of the elections, executed at both normative and empirical levels - the communication function, in the context of changes in the structure of Western societies, changes in methods and strategies of political communication and evolution of forms of electoral participation. Nowadays, as the communication function is meant as the establishment of such an interaction between the actors of the electoral process, which by means of non-accidental messages and communication channels guide the decisions of voters. The authors also aim to describe the process of character transformation of the communication function of elections, resulting from changes in the political sphere and its axiological layer.
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EN
Electoral behavior of citizens in 2010The article presents the analysis of the socio-political context of the carried out project. It draws attention to the events of 2010 that have dynamised the political space, in particular, the Smolensk disaster of April 10, which changed the nature of political competition, not only by accelerating the date of the presidential elections, but mainly by depriving some of the par- ties of the natural candidates in the upcoming elections and leading politicians. This has left its mark on the presidential, but equally on the local elections.
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