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Zeszyty Naukowe KUL
|
2018
|
vol. 61
|
issue 2
321-332
EN
Olympic Games are not only global sport events, but also a great opportunity to brand cities and countries that host sportsmen and sportswomen from around the world, and to promote ideas. The opening ceremony of the Rio Olympics 2016 was full of “green” (ecological) messages and symbols, beside of presented cultural, historical and environmental values of Brazil. In this article some effects of a content analysis of media (opinion newspapers on-line) from 30 countries from different continents were presented to answer the question: how the global media coverage could serve to promote Rio de Janeiro, Brazil and the idea of the sustainable development.
PL
Igrzyska olimpijskie są nie tylko globalnym wydarzeniem sportowym, ale także doskonałą okazją do promocji miast i państw, goszczących sportowców z różnych stron świata, oraz idei. Ceremonia otwarcia Olimpiady Rio 2016 zawierała – obok prezentacji walorów kulturowych, historycznych i środowiskowych Brazylii – proekologiczne przesłanie i wiele „zielonych” symboli. W niniejszym artykule zaprezentowano efekty analizy zawartości mediów (dzienników opiniotwórczych on-line) z 30 państw z różnych kontynentów w celu odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób przekazy medialne na świecie służyć mogły promocji Rio de Janeiro, Brazylii oraz idei zrównoważonego rozwoju.
EN
In this paper the author focuses on the image of the African leaders in the reports of the French international media, above all the journals and magazines that are disseminated in Africa (the weekly „Jeune Afrique" or the monthly „Afrique Magazine"). France is, however, the biggest patron of the Black Continent, at least of its French-speaking part, so the countries that belong to la Franco- phonie (an international organization uniting French-speaking lands). Africa is perceived in the European consciousness as a poor continent with a very rich nature world. Moreover, Africa is perceived by the West also in accordance with the Western standards, so with the liberal-democratic frameworks. As a consequence, the African leaders often are described as political animals (les animaux politiques) or, in the cases of many dictators, as predators of freedom (predateurs de la liberte), like in the case of the Reporters Without Borders' list of the dictators that attack the media. Hence, in many reports from Africa, the leaders receive some metaphoric animal labels like „the black beast" or „the old lion". It is noteworthy that the women taking over the rules in Africa are not perceived as „predators of freedom" or „black beast" that is a good conclusion for the future of this continent.
EN
In Latin America, despite common historical and cultural background, the meaning and the role of public media are understood differently. Such diversity is observed also in practical solutions in different republics, where on the television markets (with the exception of the communist Cuba) commercial broadcasters dominate evidently, though also many TV stations, qualifi ed as public, exist (and are founded) in accordance to different rules: sometimes they are typically propaganda (governmental) and in other cases cultural or educational broadcasters. Although there is a problem of determination of a Latin model of public media, some agreement to treat this kind of media as alternative – in front of dominating commercial media – exists. Latin scientists, managers of public broadcasters or some politicians underline, often a need to strengthen the public media (to promote democracy and pluralism), including international cooperation.
PL
W Ameryce Łacińskiej, mimo wspólnych fundamentów historycznych i kulturowych, różnie rozumie się istotę i rolę mediów publicznych. Ta różnorodność widoczna jest także w rozwiązaniach przyjętych w poszczególnych republikach, gdzie na rynkach telewizyjnych obserwuje się wprawdzie zdecydowaną dominację nadawców komercyjnych (wyjątek stanowi komunistyczna Kuba), lecz także liczne stacje telewizyjne, zaliczane do publicznych, działają (i są fi nansowane) na różnych zasadach – czasami mają charakter typowo propagandowy (rządowy), a czasami kulturalny czy edukacyjny. O ile jednak istnieje problem z określeniem latynoamerykańskiego modelu mediów publicznych, o tyle można dostrzec pewien konsensus co do istoty tego typu nadawców jako alternatywy dla dominujących mediów komercyjnych. Latynoscy naukowcy, ale także zarządzający mediami publicznymi oraz niektórzy politycy, często podkreślają konieczność wzmacniania tego sektora mediów (na rzecz rozwoju demokracji i pluralizmu), z uwzględnieniem międzynarodowej współpracy.
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na antyimperialistycznych dyskursach polityczno-medialnych w różnych kontekstach w świecie hiszpańskojęzycznym, czyli w Hiszpanii i Hispanoameryce. Analizowane dyskursy pojawiają się w różnych mediach – w przypadku Hiszpanii problem imperializmu występuje głównie w regionach, gdzie tradycje kulturowe (regionalne) są szczególnie silne, tj. w Katalonii i Kraju Basków. W politycznej walce o niepodległość Hiszpania jest traktowana jako imperialistyczny wróg – okupant. W przypadku Hispanoameryki niektórzy przywódcy polityczni (głównie lewicowi) wykorzystują media (jak na przykład międzynarodową stację telewizyjną TeleSUR, założoną z inicjatywy Hugona Chaveza) do antyimperialistycznej propagandy, choć dziś głównym wrogiem nie jest już Hiszpania, lecz Stany Zjednoczone ze swoją „neoliberalną”, „neokolonialną” polityką gospodarczą wobec biedniejszych narodów Ameryki Łacińskiej.
EN
The article focuses on the political-media anti-imperialist discourses in various contexts within the Spanish-speaking world, that is in Spain and Hispanoamerica (the part of Latin America that was colonized by Spaniards and where today Spanish is official language). The analyzed discourses appear in different media: in the case of Spain the problem of the imperialism is present mainly in these regions where the cultural (regional) traditions are strong, like in Catalonia and Basque Country. In a political battle for independence Spain is treated as an imperialist enemy that occupies old, formerly independent, countries. In the case of Hispanoamerica some political leaders (mainly leftist) use the media (like for example an international TV station TeleSUR, founded thanks to an initiative of Hugo Chávez) to their propaganda, although today the main imperialist enemy is the United States (and not Spain) with its “neoliberal”, “neocolonial” economic policy towards poorer nations of Latin America.
EN
Africa is considered often as a victim of the globalization processes that make the world more unjust: the division between the rich and the poor is getting wider, and Africa is still the poorest continent on the planet. It is not only an effect of the colonization era, but also of the new colonization in the economic field and in the communication sphere. Globalization of the media and communication make the people from around the world more easily and rapidly connected, but also create enormous disproportions in the communication and media flows. Big telegraph companies from Great Britain and other Western countries built in the 19th century telegraphic systems in different continents (finally also in Africa), the biggest media holdings have headquarters in the USA, European Union or Japan, and the Internet is popular, above all, in the rich North, while in the poor South it is still a luxury. The image of Africa in the Western world is still, however, biased with stereotypes, creating an „afro-pessimism": Africa is perceived as a continent of disasters, famine, ethnic wars, AIDS and malaria. This is an effect of the domination of the Western media (that show such Africa) in the communication field. Nevertheless, in Africa every year there are more and more Internet users, and the Western values of freedom of expression are disseminated among Africans more dynamically. In this sense, Africa is a beneficiary of the Western hegemony and should take an opportunity to develop and create a new vision of this continent in the world. Without changing the image, it seems impossible to challenge the African poverty.
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EN
The term “new media” should be considered in accordance to the temporal and spatial context, because something “new” could be “new” only now and here or would be “new” only someday and somewhere, and not forever and everywhere. Therefore it is necessary to take into consideration that hundreds years ago the press was “new”, in the 20th Century the radio and television became “new media”, and today the term “new media” means, above all, the Internet, mobile telephones and other digital media. Nevertheless, R.D. Wimmer and J.R. Dominick describe the term “new media” in broader context, taking into consideration also different implications of the ICT to the human and social life. There are many different aspects of the “new media” that need to be investigated, and many of them are subjects of many studies realized by scientists from different countries. They research the impact of the “new media” to the traditional mass media, the influence of the Internet on politics and the political marketing, but also other social, economical and communicational aspects of this complex phenomenon. It is important also that the “new media” are useful tools for the researchers on every stage of any scientific investigation. There is strong need to investigate the “new media” in different contexts to understand better the new modern reality.
EN
The problem of decentralization of power and the development of regionalisms is common in Spain – a country that never has been uniform in the cultural, linguistic, ethnical, political or economical sense. This article describes the essence of conflicts between the partisans of the centralized monarchy and the supporters of the decentralization and the most possible autonomy of regions. There is presented thus some historical aspects of the problems: from the beginnings of the Spanish nation and the big Iberian monarchy with centralized power of the Catholic Kings till the general Franco regime. Then, the new era of the new constitution is described too. In the Spanish constitution of 1978 is tackled the problem of decentralization of power, but it has been not guaranteed the federal status of the country. However, the new name of regions it has been established – the Comunidades Autónomas that have been entitled to create their estatutos, i.e. regional “constitutions”. This article not only presents one of the most important problems of the contemporary Spain, but it focused too on the press reactions about it. Thus, one can read some cites of articles published in the most important Spanish dailies: the economic prestige paper “Expansión” (“Expansion”), the famous left-linked “El País” (“The Country”) and the traditional, conservative “ABC”. Moreover, there is presented too the regional perspective, because of some opinions extracted from the catalan-language daily “Avui” (“Today”) and the daily “Gara” (“We are” in euskera – the Basque language) that is edited in Basque Country and supports the Basque separatism. The variety of opinions presented in different dailies reflects well the essence of this Spanish “organic” problem. In the last part of the article there is presented the same problem, but in a new perspective, that is in relation with the European Union’s rules. Spain is a member of EU from 1986 and from this date the relations between Madrid and Comunidades Autónomas changed. The new, European level of power introduced new rules within Spanish system of government order. The center of gravity passed from Madrid-CCAA relations to the triangular relations CCAAMadrid-Brussels. The Comunidades Autónomas have entered to some European organizations that groups regions willing act for the same, common purposes on the continental or even global level. This article thus described the problem of the decentralization of power in Spain from the different perspectives: the historical one, the regional one, the European one and other that could be defined as “press one” and that reflects well the pluralism in the described question.
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