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EN
The article analyses the shaping of the local self-government in Ukraine. It constituted part of the transformation processes of the political system which started in the late 80-ies of the 20th century and gained intensity aft er Ukraine had regained independence in 1991. The present day model of the structure of local system has been presented. The issues of local self – government functioning have been addressed. The most acute problem in this respect concerns the symbiosis between local bodies of the national government and those of the local self – government
EN
The article presents the specificity of the Ukrainian political regime. It defined a hybrid political regime. Two types of “competitive authoritarianism” and “defective democracy” are discussed. Analyzed changes in the political regime of Ukraine in the years 1991–2016.
PL
Celem artykułu jest określenie roli organizacji założonych przez opozycję parlamentarną na Euromajdanie. Opozycja polityczna podczas Euromajdanu utworzyła Sztab Sprzeciwu Narodowego oraz Zjednoczenie Ogólnoukraińskie „Majdan”. W perspektywie długofalowej miały one stać się narzędziem opozycji w nadchodzących wyborach prezydenckich. Z kolei w perspektywie krótkofalowej miały koordynować działania protestujących podczas Euromajdanu w całej Ukrainie. Dla osiągnięcia celu badawczego zostały zastosowane następujące metody: historyczna, systemowa, studium przypadku.
EN
The aim of this article is to define the role of the organisations established by the parliamentary opposition during the Euromaidan. The political opposition created the National Resistance Headquarters and the All-Ukrainian Union “Maidan” at that time. In the long term, they were supposed to become a tool for the opposition in the upcoming presidential elections. In the short term, in turn, they were to coordinate the actions of protesters during the Euromaidan throughout Ukraine. In order to achieve the research objective, the historical, systemic, and case study methods were used.
PL
W niniejszym artykule autorka próbuje wyjaśnić, jaki rodzaj reżimu politycznego był na Ukrainie w okresie prezydentury W. Janukowycza. W wyniku analizy dochodzi do wniosku, że w tym okresie na Ukrainie istniał hybrydowy reżim polityczny. Janukowycz przede wszystkim podporządkował sobie system konstytucyjny. Dało to mu szerokie możliwości koncentracji władzy w swoich rękach. Janukowycz i jego ekipa stopniowo wprowadzali na Ukrainie reżim autorytarny. Nie byli jednak konsekwentni w tym zakresie.
EN
In this article the author tries to explain what kind of political regime was in Ukraine during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych. The analysis concludes that during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych in Ukraine behaved hybrid political regime. V. Yanukovych above all subdued constitutional system. This gave him various opportunities for the concentration of power in his hands. V. Yanukovych and his team progressively introduced in Ukraine authoritarian regime. But they were not consistent in this regard.
PL
Celem artykułu było ustalenie głównego zadania, jakie zamierzali zrealizować liderzy opozycji parlamentarnej uczestniczący w negocjacjach z władzą podczas Euromajdanu. Podczas przeprowadzenia badania zostały zastosowane następujące metody: historyczna, analiza danych zastanych, case study. W podsumowaniu udało się ustalić, że głównym zadaniem, które stawiała przed sobą opozycja parlamentarna w negocjacjach z władzą, było przywrócenie redakcji Konstytucji z 2004 r., która ograniczała kompetencje prezydenta wobec władzy wykonawczej i zwiększała w tym zakresie uprawnienia parlamentu.
EN
The objective of this article is to establish the main goal the leaders of the parliamentary opposition wanted to achieve in the negotiations with the government during the Euromaidan. In this study, the following methods were applied: the historical method, data analysis, and case study. In the conclusion, it is noted that the main task of the parliamentary opposition in the negotiations with the government was to restore the Constitution of 2004, which limited the presidential competences in executive power and extended
EN
The author examines Polish involvement in the process of Ukraine’s integration with the European Union. Poland, along with Sweden, was the initiator of the Eastern Partnership, the aim of which was to bring Ukraine closer to the EU. There were many barriers along the way to the signing of an association agreement between the EU and Ukraine. Poland has become a country that supports the Ukrainians in their European aspirations and helps them overcome the obstacles to integration into the EU.
PL
W artykule podjęto kwestię zaangażowania Polski w proces integracji Ukrainy z Unią Europejską. Polska i Szwecja zainicjowały Partnerstwo Wschodnie, którego celem było przybliżyć Ukrainę do UE. Z kolei na drodze do podpisania umowy stowarzyszeniowej między Unią a Ukrainą pojawiło się wiele barier. Polska stała się krajem, który wspiera Ukraińców w ich aspiracjach europejskich i pomaga pokonywać przeszkody na drodze integracji Ukrainy z UE.
EN
The objective of this article is to show the characteristics of volunteering in Ukraine after the Euromaidan. The article presents its specifics and the socio-political conditions which allowed to define voluntary work in Ukrainian legislature. It also discusses the main forms of social engagement in volunteering, inaugurated at the onset of the anti-terrorist operation in the eastern part of the country. The level of public trust towards voluntary organisations has also been examined in the article. Voluntary work has also been analysed from the perspective of social research conducted in Ukraine since 2014. In the conclusions of this text it is claimed that development of social self-organisation is one of the results of Euromaidan. Voluntary work after Euromaidan has become a form of self-organisation and self-mobilisation of the society, preventing a collapse of the Ukrainian state as a result of the political crisis and armed conflict in Donbass. 
EN
The article analyzes the electoral campaign for the United Opposition “Fatherland”, which was the main rival of the ruling party – the Party of Regions. The United Opposition could not present a new quality in the election campaign, it has demonstrated its concept of development of the state, the society. The opposition acted as the governing party distributing promises and creating a “black and white” picture of reality.
PL
W artykule przeprowadzono analizę kampanii wyborczej Zjednoczonej Opozycji „O Ojczyznę”, która była głównym rywalem partii rządzącej – Partii Regionów. Zjednoczona Opozycja nie potrafiła zaprezentować nowej jakości w kampanii wyborczej, nie zademonstrowała własnej koncepcji rozwoju państwa, społeczeństwa. Opozycja zachowywała się podobnie jak partia rządząca, rozdając obietnice i kreując „czarno-biały” obraz rzeczywistości.
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EN
The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU’s response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted.
PL
Abstract: The process of „oligarchization” of the party system of Ukraine In this article the author try to analyze the process of growing into financial‑industrial groups in Ukraine’s political parties. She seeks to ascertain its causes and consequences. Analyzes the initial time of systemic transformations in Ukraine. Special attention is given to the time presidency of Leonid Kuchma (1994-2005), because he was the chief architect of the oligarchy of the economy and the political system of Ukraine. Key words: oligarchization, economy system, political system, systemic transformations, party system
EN
The paper analyses the student campaign of civil disobedience organised in October 1990 and later named ‘the granite revolution.’ During the ‘granite revolution,’ students demonstrated their socio-political awareness, taking decisions of key importance at that time. The author of the paper also analyses the outcomes of the ‘granite revolution’ and its significance for further socio-political developments in Ukraine.
EN
In the article The presidential election in Ukraine – 2010 in the context of competition between Yulia Tymoshenko and Viktor Yanukovych the situation prior to the election of the Ukrainian President has been analysed. The main determining factors were pointed out. The main aspects of the election campaign of the two main candidates were submitted for analysis. Y. Tymoshenko’s and V. Yanukovych’s election advertising was examined. The results of the presidential election – 2010 were presented. The factors were specified that had been conductive to Yanukovych’s victory while at the same time adding to Tymoshenko’s defeat.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze the role of the union of people’s deputies “People’s Council of Ukraine” in Euromaidan. The article presents the periodization of Euromaidan according to the criterion of protest participants’ attitude towards the authorities. The context for the establishment of the “People’s Council of Ukraine” was defined. Actions taken by the “People’s Council of Ukraine” during Euromaidan were also discussed. In order to implement the research objective, the following methods were used: historical, systemic, and case study.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie roli zjednoczenia deputowanych ludowych „Ludowa Rada Ukrainy” w Euromajdanie. W artykule została przedstawiona periodyzacja Euromajdanu według kryterium ustosunkowania uczestników protestów do władz oraz kontekst utworzenia zjednoczenia „Ludowa Rada Ukrainy”. Zostały również omówione działania podjęte przez „Ludową Radę Ukrainy” podczas Euromajdanu. W celu realizacji zamierzenia badawczego zastosowano metody: historyczną, systemową i case study.
EN
The aim of the article is to identify the main determinants that led to the victory of Volodymyr Zelensky in the 2019 presidential election in Ukraine. The following methods were used to carry out the research task: historical, analysis of existing data, systemic and case study. This article analyzes: 1) the pre-election situation (the election campaign officially started on December 31, 2018); 2) leitmotifs of the election campaign of the two main rivals (Volodymyr Zelensky and Petro Poroshenko); 3) the main factors that led to Zelensky’s victory in the presidential election. In the 2019 presidential election, for the first time in Ukraine’s history, the candidate using modern electoral technologies based on emotions won.
PL
Celem artykułu jest określenie głównych determinant, które spowodowały zwycięstwo Wołodymyra Zełenskiego w wyborach prezydenckich w 2019 r. w Ukrainie. Dla realizacji zadania badawczego zastosowano następujące metody: historyczna, analiza danych zastanych, systemowa oraz case study. W niniejszym artykule analizie poddano: 1) sytuację przedwyborczą (kampania wyborcza oficjalnie rozpoczęła się 31 grudnia 2018 r.); 2) motywy przewodnie kampanii wyborczej dwóch głównych rywali (W. Z ełenskiego oraz Petra Poroszenki); 3) główne czynniki, które doprowadziły do zwycięstwa W. Z ełenskiego w wyborach prezydenckich. W wyborach prezydenckich w 2019 r. po raz pierwszy w historii Ukrainy doszło do zwycięstwa kandydata stosującego głównie nowoczesne technologie odwołujące się do emocji wyborcy.
EN
This article is aimed at an analysis of the campaign of the Civic Platform (PO – Platforma Obywatelska) before parliamentary elections in 2011 in Poland. PO’s position in the campaign was that of a co-governing party and the leader on the election market. Its main objective of the election strategy was to discredit the main political opponent – Law and Justice (PiS – Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) and to convince voters that PO promotes the modernization of the country and is a party of the centre for every Pole. In the elections to the Sejm on 9 October 2011 PO enjoyed a victory with 39.18% of the votes, a 9.29% advantage over PiS at 48.92% attendance.
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