Search results

1

Strategie wyborcze Ryszarda Grobelnego i Jacka Jaśkowiaka w ponownym głosowaniu w świetle badań exit poll

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Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2016

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issue 3

163-176

EN

This paper aims to analyze election strategies of two candidates for the office of President of Poznań, who competed in the second round of local elections in 2014. The author tries to answer the following questions: (1) between the first and second round, could Ryszard Grobelny have turned the tide of events and ultimately won the election? and (2) what mistakes did he commit in the last period of the campaign to have so clearly lost to Jacek Jaśkowiak? While answering these questions, we formulated two hypotheses. The first one is that it is impossible to clearly determine whether Ryszard Grobelny had a chance to win after such a low score in the first ballot, although there are indications that the key to victory was not so much the complaints of Ryszard Grobelny, but the decisions of other candidates, who did not qualify for the second round. The second hypothesis leads to the conclusion that the biggest mistake at the end of the campaign was the then incumbent President’s turn in the direction of the PiS party electorate and Tadeusz Dziuba. Verification of these hypotheses, in particular the second one, was based on the analysis of exit polls, carried out on the evening of the day of the second round of elections for the president of Poznan by the Gemini agency, commissioned by Wielkopolska Cable Television.

PL

Celem artykułu jest dokonanie analizy strategii wyborczych dwóch kandydatów na urząd prezydenta Poznania, którzy rywalizowali w ponownym głosowaniu podczas wyborów samorządowych w 2014 roku. Autor próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytania: czy Ryszard Grobelny mógł pomiędzy I i II turą odwrócić bieg wydarzeń i zwyciężyć ostatecznie w wyborach i jakie błędy popełnił w ostatnim okresie kampanii, że tak wyraźnie przegrał z Jackiem Jaśkowiakiem? Udzielając odpowiedzi na te pytania, sformułowano dwie hipotezy. Zgodnie z pierwszą, nie da się jednoznacznie stwierdzić, czy Ryszard Grobelny miał szansę na zwycięstwo po tak niskim wyniku w pierwszym głosowaniu, choć wiele wskazuje na to, że klucz do zwycięstwa znajdował się nie tyle w rękach Ryszarda Grobelnego, co w decyzjach innych kandydatów, którzy nie weszli do II tury. Druga hipoteza prowadzi to stwierdzenia, że największym błędem na finiszu kampanii był zwrot urzędującego prezydenta w kierunku elektoratu PiS i Tadeusza Dziuby. Weryfikacja tych hipotez, w szczególności drugiej została przeprowadzona na podstawie analizy badań exit poll, zrealizowanych w wieczór wyborczy podczas ponownego głosowania na urząd prezydenta Poznania przez Gemini na zlecenie Wielkopolskiej Telewizji Kablowej.

2

A Civic Budget as a form of civil participation, or an institutional PR tool. The Civic Budget in the City of Poznań

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Ossowski S.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2017

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issue 4

145-158

PL

W artykule omówiono instytucję Poznańskiego Budżetu Obywatelskiego. Przeprowadzona analiza dotyczy istoty PBO – ile w nim z budżetów partycypacyjnych a ile z public relations. Postawiona hipoteza uznaje polskie budżety partycypacyjne w większym stopniu za narzędzie PR niż budżet partycypacyjny sensu stricto. Weryfikując hipotezę posłużono się przykładem poznańskim, w tym raportem z ewaluacji PBO16. W efekcie należy stwierdzić, że budżety obywatelskie takie jak PBO trudno zaliczyć do budżetów partycypacyjnych sensu stricto. Za mało w nich konsultacji, deliberacji, faktycznego współdecydowania. Za mało ludzi angażuje się w tę ideę, a jeśli już to zdecydowana większość tylko podczas głosowania. Osób dłużej działających jest niewielu. Dlatego też PBO to w większym stopniu konkurs, rodzaj plebiscytu, niż budżet partycypacyjny, jeżeli zestawimy zasady i praktykę PBO z definicjami budżetów partycypacyjnych.

EN

The paper discusses the Civic Budget of the City of Poznań (CBP). The analysis focuses on the nature of the CBP and the extent to which it is a participatory budget or rather a PR instrument. The hypothesis is proposed that participatory budgets in Poland are more of a PR instrument than participatory budgets in the strict sense. In order to verify this hypothesis the example of Poznań is analyzed, including the evaluation report of the CBP16. It is concluded that such civic budgets as the CBP can hardly be described as participatory budgets in the strict sense. They do not involve enough consultation, deliberation or actual co-deciding. Too few people are involved in the idea of civic budgets and a clear majority of those who do, only take part in the vote. There are only a few people involved on a long-term basis. All this makes the CBP more of a contest and plebiscite, rather than a participatory budget, which is confirmed by the comparison of the principles and practice of the CBP with the definitions of participatory budgets.

3

Tabloidyzacja audycji informacyjnych – przyczynek do badań

100%

Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2013

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issue 1

173-182

EN

The text presents and briefly discusses the methodological premises and partial research results of a study fully presented in a book by D. Piontek, B. Hordecki and S. Ossowski Tabloidyzacja dyskursu politycznego w polskich mediach [The tabloidization of political discourse in the Polish media], published by the academic publishing house of the Faculty of Political Science and Journalism of AMU (Poznań 2013). On the basis of the criterion of viewership of Polish channels as well as news programs, the news service Wiadomosci TVP1 and Fakty TVN were selected as the object of the study; the timeframe covered the first two weeks of every month beginning in September 2011 and finishing in August 2012. The research sample amounted to 154 issues of each program. A single news item constituted the object of analysis, while every news item classified as political underwent additional in-depth analysis. A total of 1,421 news items were analyzed (including 350 political ones), 783 from Wiadomosci and 638 from Fakty.

4

How David triumphed over Goliath: the course of the electoral campaign for Poznań’s local government in 2014

100%

Ossowski S.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

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2015

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vol. 7(43)

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issue 3

41-52

EN

This article analyses the causes of Ryszard Grobelny’s loss in the elections for the office of the president of the city of Poznan. It addresses, and attempts to answer, following questions: how did Jacek Jaskowiak manage to create such a successful voter base in such a short time, what mistakes did Grobelny make that after being in office for 16 years the citizens said a firm NO to his rule, and were there any moments that could be found as crucial for the final outcome, what were Grobelny’s mistakes in the campaign itself. The analysis of the exit poll results for Greater Poland Cable Television (WTK) was an important part of this work.

XX

Artykuł analizuje przyczyny porażki Ryszarda Grobelnego w wyborach na stanowisko Prezydenta Poznania. Stara się odpowiedzieć na kilka pytań: w jaki sposób, w tak krótkim czasie Jackowi Jaśkowiakowi udało się zbudować tak wysokie poparcie, jakie błędy popełnił Ryszard Grobelny, że po 16 latach poznaniacy gremialnie powiedzieli NIE swojemu wieloletniemu prezydentowi, oraz czy pewne momenty kampanii można uznać za przesądzające o jej ostatecznym wyniku, jakie błędy popełnił w jej trakcie Ryszard Grobelny. Ważną część pracy stanowi analiza wyników badań exit poll przeprowadzonych na zlecenie Wielkopolskiej Telewizji Kablowej.

5

Dziennikarz versus specjalista ds. public relations – toksyczny związek czy małżeństwo z rozsądku?

100%

Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2009

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issue 4

81-96

EN

It is impossible to sum up the character of mutual relations between journalists and PR specialists, who frequently act as spokesmen, in a single statement. These relations are multidimensional and have both positive and negative aspects. Both parties voice their opinions on each other, some justified, other grossly exaggerated. Both parties commit sins, but they also have a very important role to play. Journalists should serve society, and on behalf of this society they should exercise control over public authorities. Journalists are mainly supposed to provide their recipients with reliable and true information. PR specialists are also supposed to provide information, yet that concern th business. Public opinion and its role in the liberal-democratic political system are of crucial significance this relation. Both parties want to mold public opinion, to win its interest, they both function thanks to it and depend on it. They are also indispensably related, as evidenced by both the theory and practice of ther relations, which also necessitates that care is taken their appropriate quality.

6

Błędy i wypaczenia czyli o przyczynach porażki Ryszarda Grobelnego w poznańskich wyborach samorządowych w 2014 roku

100%

Ossowski S.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2015

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issue 2

75-86

EN

This paper analyses the causes of Ryszard Grobelny’s defeat in the elections for the office of President of Poznań. It attempts to answer several questions: 1. how did Jacek Jaśkowiak manage to generate such an enormous support over such a short time? 2. what errors did Ryszard Grobelny commit that, after sixteen years, Poznanians largely rejected their longstanding president?, and 3. can some moments of the campaign be considered decisive for its final outcome, and what were the main errors Ryszard Grobelny committed in this campaign? A significant part of the study is devoted to an analysis of the results of the exit poll conducted for WTK (Wielkopolska Cable TV).

PL

W artykule dokonano analizy przyczyn porażki Ryszarda Grobelnego w wyborach na stanowisko Prezydenta Poznania. Autor tekstu stara się odpowiedzieć na kilka pytań: w jaki sposób, w tak krótkim czasie Jackowi Jaśkowiakowi udało się zbudować tak wysokie poparcie, jakie błędy popełnił Ryszard Grobelny, że po 16 latach Poznaniacy gremialnie powiedzieli „nie” swojemu wieloletniemu prezydentowi oraz czy pewne momenty kampanii można uznać za przesądzające o jej ostatecznym wyniku i jakie główne błędy popełnił w jej trakcie Ryszard Grobelny. Ważną część pracy stanowi analiza wyników badań exit poll przeprowadzonych na zlecenie Wielkopolskiej Telewizji Kablowej.

7

Telewizyjne debaty prezydenckie w Polsce w 2010 roku

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Ossowski S.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 27

41-57

EN

The paper discusses the course of the most significant televised debates between the candidates for the office of President of Poland, held before the first and second round of 2010 presidential elections. Three debates are subjected to a detailed analysis. One was held before the first round, and it involved Bronisław Komorowski, Jarosław Kaczyński, Grzegorz Napieralski and Waldemar Pawlak; two other took place before the second round between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. Two fundamental areas are analyzed: (1) the content of the candidates’ statements (i.e. the message), and (2) all the elements affecting the candidates’ image and their reception by the TV audience (or – simplifying – the form in which the message is rendered). The conclusion shows that the debates in 2010 were more exciting and interesting than those held five years earlier, yet their significance was nowhere near that of the 1995 debates. Nevertheless, in 2010 the permanent position of televised presidential debates in Poland has been confirmed while indicating that in the future both their formula and course should undergo changes.

8

Ethical Dilemmas of Political Marketing. Polish Members of Parliament on Political Communication (analysis of survey results)

100%

Ossowski S.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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issue 3

123-130

PL

Marketing polityczny zmienił nie tylko sposób prowadzenia kampanii wyborczych, lecz również normy i zasady, na których budowany był przez lata liberalno-demokratyczny system polityczny. Na znaczeniu stracił przede wszystkim ideał racjonalnego wyborcy, który z obywatela przekształcił się w konsumenta. Równocześnie przeniesienie mechanizmów marketingu ekonomicznego do sfery polityki jawi się jako jeden z wyznaczników postępującej destrukcji ideałów i zasad demokracji liberalnej. Nie jest jednak łatwo zmierzyć skalę tych zmian. Niniejszy tekst przedstawia próbę nakreślenia skali internalizacji aksjologii rynku w sferze polityki przez polskich parlamentarzystów, w oparciu o wyniki badań ankietowych przeprowadzonych podczas trwania trzech kolejnych kadencji polskiego parlamentu (w latach 2004, 2006, 2008).

EN

Political marketing has changed not only the way election campaigns are conducted, but also the standards and principles that have lain at the foundations of the liberal-democratic political system for years. First and foremost, the ideał of the rational voter has lost significance as the Citizen has been transformed into a consumer. At the same time, the mechanisms of economic marketing have been transferred to the realm of politics, which seems to be one of the indicators of the ongoing destruction of the ideals and principles of liberał democracy. It is not an easy task to measure the scalę of these changes, though. This paper is an attempt to outline the degree to which the deputies to the Polish Parliament have intemalized market axiology in the realm of politics assessed on the basis of the results of surveys conducted during three consecutive terms of the Polish parliament (in 2004, 2006 and 2008).

9

Problematyka etyki politycznej w badaniach politologicznych

100%

Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2008

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issue 1

205-236

EN

The opinions presented in the paper and the problems raised in the considerations on political ethics confirm that there is no holistic, systematic approach to political ethics as a significant realm of research, or even a separate subdiscipline within political science. Although the issues discussed in the paper are significant and interesting, they do not create a cohesive and holistic research proposal. These are significant opinions in the discussion on the problem of political ethics, yet they are limited to the analysis of detailed issues. Therefore, it is necessary to identify an appropriate method to study political ethics from the point of view of political science.

10

Kodeks honorowy w Wojsku Polskim III RP

100%

Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2004

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issue 1

111-146

EN

The political transformation in Poland at the turn of the eighties also affected the military. One of the aspects of this transformation was an attempt at creating a code of honor for the soldiers of a „renewed” Polish Army, undertaken at the beginning of the nineties. Unfortunately, the work on the Code of Honor for the Polish Army of the 3rd Republic has not been finalized. Although a few drafts of varied merit have been drawn up, there has been no sufficient political will to eventually effect this interesting and noteworthy project. Maybe some have also feared that the professional soldiers equipped with the Code of Honor will become too independent and courts of honor will practically depreciate the significance of military courts. Also, nearly all the documents devoted to this matter at that time reflect the intention to develop the code, yet they lack assuredness of what its character should be. Therefore, the main points of focus were general rules referring to morality and conduct, while definitely too little attention was paid to practical suggestions and solutions.

11

Kryzys liberalnej demokracji w Polsce na tle innych państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej

100%

Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2008

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issue 2

99-114

EN

The issue of the condition of Polish democracy and Polish (democratic) society has certainly been among the most significant subjects of analyses of political science and sociology over recent years. Such considerations have emerged both in academic studies and journalistic publications. It is unfortunate that a majority of the authors refer to the general and imprecise notion of ‘democracy’, and they intentionally or unintentionally ignore the need for its clarification. This clarification involves the addition of the adjective ‘liberal’, which may appear trivial, yet it carries a profound and highly important meaning. The contemporary model of democracy, frequently referred to as ‘Western democracy’, concerns liberal democracy in contrast to the Antique, socialist, controlled democracy (the term applied to the political system of Russia, among others), or the authentic democracy mentioned in numerous texts that discuss the standpoint of the Catholic Church. The greatest actual threat to the liberal-and-democratic political system in general, and particularly in Poland, does not appear to be posed by ‘classical’ authoritarianism, but rather by the non-liberal version of democracy. Jacek Żakowski emphasizes that the latter is in principle different to ‘the system Poland built after 1989 and what the democratic West used to term as democracy for the previous fifty years’.

12

Pluralizm w mediach a wolność wyboru jako fundament liberalnej demokracji

100%

Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2005

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issue 1

25-38

EN

Modern member of the audience in Poland and elsewhere is not a subject of ethics thus he/she does not have a free choice in the philosophical (exclusively liberal and democratic) sense. He/she is surrounded by information smog as nearly identical news is provided by different sources. The journalists the audience trusts first select the important pieces of news before publishing them; secondly they process and comment them thus providing the audience with the description of the facts as well as with its interpretation and assessment. The journalists are significantly dependent on the owner who tends to treat his/her newspaper or station as a profit-oriented enterprise. By this token the owner is directly dependent on the advertisers, who need to be attracted to the same extent as the audience does. As a result, the actual freedom of choice is purely deceptive, which is not to mean it is unattainable. An individual may try to take advantage of it, yet the ultimate result depends on him/herself.

13

Jan Paweł II a demokracja

100%

Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2007

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issue 1

122-134

EN

The Author observes a certain paradox: on the one hand John Paul II sharply criticized modern liberal democracy, but on the other such words were uttered by the man who took credit for an immense, if not decisive, contribution to the collapse of Communism and the birth of democracy in Central and Eastern Europe. This contradiction, however, is only apparent since John Paul II, and the Catholic Church, perceived and defined democracy in a particular way. Their way is in many aspects contradictory to the principles of a modern model of democracy, that is liberal democracy, prevailing in Europe and elsewhere.

14

Grzegorz Ignaczewski, Specyfika marketingu politycznego w Polsce

88%

Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2004

|

issue 1

201-206

PL

.

15

Sytuacja społeczno-polityczna osób niepełnosprawnych1 w III RP

63%

Bilińska I., Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

|

2012

|

issue 4

303-320

EN

The paper discusses and illustrates the most significant issues related to the functioning of the disabled in the social and political dimensions. The evolution of social attitudes to people with disabilities over the centuries is shown. The paper discusses the matters of how Poles perceive disability, the solutions in the electoral code and other legal acts and documents, and increasingly frequent social awareness campaigns that are aimed to encourage the disabled to vote in elections, which all have a beneficial impact on the process of activization of the disabled as rightful citizens. The paper is interdisciplinary, encompassing the points of view of a researcher dealing with physiotherapy and that of a researcher into political science, making it unique.

16

Co tam, panie, w polityce? Politycy w programach publicystycznych

63%

Ossowski S., Piontek D.

Zeszyty Prasoznawcze

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2014

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vol. 57

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issue 2

234-250

EN

Contemporary public debate is in general a media debate, organized by journalists working for major media companies. Journalists are not merely employees of their corporations. They, as “opinion leaders”, shape political attitudes as well as behaviors of their viewers, readers and listeners. Compounds between media and politics are multifaceted and one of them is relationship between journalists and politicians. Each party tries to infl uence the other, with various results but it certainly can be said that politicians and journalists are interdependent. However, in recent times, journalists are increasingly dependent not only from politicians but also from their employers, thus weakening their professional position. This leads to a reduction of the importance of informational function of the media for the sake of entertainment. The aim of the article is to examine political journalism in terms of relationships between interviewers (journalists) and interviewees (politicians) taking place during television interviews. The analysis is carried out mainly through the prism of actors and themes occurring in the context of the convergence of traditional and tabloid journalistic standards.

17

Polityzacja audycji informacyjnych w Polsce. Analiza porównawcza głównych wydań „Wiadomości” TVP1, „Faktów” TVN i „Wydarzeń” Polsatu z 2014 i 2021 roku

63%

Ossowski S., Kendzior D.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2023

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issue 4

185-200

EN

This article attempts to analyze the content of the main news broadcasts of the three largest television broadcasters in Poland – the public one and two commercial. In total, the authors analyzed 42 main editions of “Wiadomości” TVP1, “Fakty” TVN and “Wydarzenia” Polsat in 2014 and 2021 (two middle days of each week in August). The study paid particular attention to changes in television in recent years, especially in the context of the way how politics is reported in the media and how media respects for the principle of pluralism, which changed after the 2015 elections. In this respect, the main focus was on checking how the public broadcaster meets the requirements contained in art. 21 of the Broadcasting Act (polish media law).

PL

W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę analizy zawartości głównych wydań audycji informacyjnych trzech największych nadawców telewizyjnych w Polsce – publicznego i dwóch komercyjnych. Łącznie autorzy przeanalizowali 42 główne wydania „Wiadomości” TVP1, „Faktów” TVN i „Wydarzeń” Polsatu w latach 2014 i 2021 (po dwa środkowe dni z każdego tygodnia sierpnia). W badaniu szczególną uwagę zwrócono na przemiany w telewizji w ostatnich latach, zwłaszcza w kontekście sposobu relacjonowania polityki w mediach i respektowania zasady pluralizmu, który zmienił się po wyborach w 2015 roku. Pod tym kątem skupiono się najbardziej na sprawdzeniu, jak nadawca publiczny realizuje wymogi zawarte w art. 21 ustawy o radiofonii i telewizji.

18

Relacjonowanie wyborów samorządowych w prasie regionalnej w 2010 roku. Komunikat z badań

33%

Biskup B., Churska-Nowak K., Drobczyński S., Hess A., Kolczyński M., Mazur M., Piontek D., Ossowski S.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2012

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issue 3

233-248

EN

The paper presents the methodology and partial results of an empirical study on the professionalization and mediatization of the local government election campaign from the perspective of its coverage by the regional press. The study was conducted by a research team from four academic centers in Poland, under a research project entitled The elections to local governments in regional media. Regional dailies and television election programs as platforms of political communication. One of the aims of the project was to analyze how election campaigns were covered by local press at the time of the local government election campaign in Poland in 2010. Quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis were applied to the content of press releases concerning the elections collected over the last two weeks of the election campaign, prior to the elections of 21st November 2010, in the regional issues of the printed versions of “Gazeta Wyborcza” and regional variations of the “Polska The Times”, published in four regional capitals – Katowice, Kraków, Poznań and Warsaw. In the case of newspapers, an examined entity was a press release on the elections.

Refine search results

Strategie wyborcze Ryszarda Grobelnego i Jacka Jaśkowiaka w ponownym głosowaniu w świetle badań exit poll

A Civic Budget as a form of civil participation, or an institutional PR tool. The Civic Budget in the City of Poznań

Tabloidyzacja audycji informacyjnych – przyczynek do badań

How David triumphed over Goliath: the course of the electoral campaign for Poznań’s local government in 2014

Dziennikarz versus specjalista ds. public relations – toksyczny związek czy małżeństwo z rozsądku?

Błędy i wypaczenia czyli o przyczynach porażki Ryszarda Grobelnego w poznańskich wyborach samorządowych w 2014 roku

Telewizyjne debaty prezydenckie w Polsce w 2010 roku

Ethical Dilemmas of Political Marketing. Polish Members of Parliament on Political Communication (analysis of survey results)

Problematyka etyki politycznej w badaniach politologicznych

Kodeks honorowy w Wojsku Polskim III RP

Kryzys liberalnej demokracji w Polsce na tle innych państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej

Pluralizm w mediach a wolność wyboru jako fundament liberalnej demokracji

Jan Paweł II a demokracja

Grzegorz Ignaczewski, Specyfika marketingu politycznego w Polsce

Sytuacja społeczno-polityczna osób niepełnosprawnych1 w III RP

Co tam, panie, w polityce? Politycy w programach publicystycznych

Polityzacja audycji informacyjnych w Polsce. Analiza porównawcza głównych wydań „Wiadomości” TVP1, „Faktów” TVN i „Wydarzeń” Polsatu z 2014 i 2021 roku

Relacjonowanie wyborów samorządowych w prasie regionalnej w 2010 roku. Komunikat z badań