In the article it has been indicated that the first contacts of Poles with the coast of Cameroon occurred in the modern age, when travelers, seamen, and missionaries were flying the flags of foreign states and staying in the Gulf of Guinea during their cruises. The lands of Cameroon became better known to Poles during the 1880’s, at the time of an expedition commenced by Stefan Szolc-Rogoziński, who spent a few seasons by the coast of the Gulf of Guinea and, while doing so, penetrated African lands and wrote on his accomplishments in Polish and foreign press. Despite the birth of the Second Polish Republic in the after math of World War I, the contacts of Poles with the territory of Cameroon virtually remained unaltered. The Polish state, despite its efforts, was unable to establish wider contacts with the region, since it had been dominated mostly by British and French colonial metropolises. These circumstances haven’t also changed significantly during World War II and the first fifteen years after its end. After Cameroon gained independence in 1960, a certain rapprochement occurred between the country’s authorities and Central and Eastern European states, which gave rise to fully-fledged political, economic, and cultural relations. Admittedly, the Cameroonian side was the instigator, yet the Poles were the ones that proved more committed in subsequent years. Due to limitation of contacts in the 1980’s, the Polish diplomatic mission in Jaunde was closed, and its tasks were assigned to the embassy in Nigeria. The situation lasted even after 1989, when Central and Eastern Europe underwent political transformation and became independent from the Soviet Union. Changes in Polish foreign policy initiated after 1989 caused Cameroon to remain on the side track of Polish political, economic, and cultural interests. The situation wasn’t affected by the accession of Poland to the European Union in 2004. This period preserved a peripheral status of Cameroon and the rest of Central Africa among Polish relationships with the outside world. The situation remains so until this day. One should not expect a revival of Polish-Cameroonian relations occurring soon. For Poland, Cameroon is not such an attractive partner as to cause a revision of its policy towards it, since it is easy to fill Cameroon’s place with other actors located in the same part of Africa. In turn, Poland is not capable of giving Cameroon profits such as it can gain from, amongst others, France.
The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d’état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland’s failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.
In this article, the author identifies the objectives and tasks of Polish foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa between 1944 and 1989. This policy began to be formulated after 1956, when independent states were established in this area as a result of decolonisation. In the first period, this foreign policy was based on ideological foundations, i.e. preference was given to states that were either communist or leftist. Later, as a result of political instability, namely the numerous political and military coups in Black Africa, it is possible to note both ideological and pragmatic objectives in the discussed policy, which referred, for example, to Poland’s economic interests, including trade. The basic objectives of the policyof communist Poland towards sub-Saharan Africa included the following tasks: 1. undertaking extensive diplomatic and ideological action to promote anti-Western forces; 2. providing technical assistance in the form of the secondment of doctors, engineers and skilled craftsmen; 3. awarding scholarships for African youth to study at selected universities; 4. establishing organisations with communist or leftist orientations, with the goal of penetrating local and regional trade unions. At the same time, efforts were made to avoid providing direct aid in the form of grants or loans.
PL
W artykule autor wskazuje cele i zadania polskiej polityki zagranicznej w stosunku do Afryki Subsaharyjskiej w latach 1944–1989. Polityka ta zaczęła być formułowana po 1956 r., gdy w wyniku dekolonizacji na omawianym obszarze powstały niepodległe państwa. W pierwszym okresie opierała się na założeniach ideologicznych, tj. preferowano państwa, które miały charakter komunizujący bądź lewicowy. Później, w wyniku niestabilności politycznej, licznych zamachów stanu i puczów wojskowych w Czarnej Afryce, można odnotować w omawianej polityce zarówno cele ideologiczne, jak i pragmatyczne, odwołujące się do np. interesów gospodarczych Polski, w tym handlu. Podstawowe cele polityki PRL wobec Afryki Subsaharyjskiej obejmowały następujące zadania: 1) podejmowanie szeroko zakrojonej akcji dyplomatycznej i ideologicznej na rzecz propagowania sił o charakterze antyzachodnim; 2) świadczenie pomocy technicznej w postaci delegowania lekarzy, inżynierów i rzemieślników wykwalifikowanych; 3) przydzielanie stypendiów dla młodzieży afrykańskiej, która miała podejmować naukę na wybranych uczelniach; 4) tworzenie organizacji o orientacji komunistycznej lub lewicowej, których zadaniem byłoby przenikanie dalej do lokalnych i regionalnych związków zawodowych. Natomiast starano się unikać udzielania pomocy bezpośredniej w postaci dotacji lub kredytów. Mimo zmian dokonujących się Polsce, jak również zmieniającej się rzeczywistości międzynarodowej, cele te nie ulegały większym modyfikacjom aż do 1989 r.
One of the characteristic features of modern world are migrations of people. They are caused either by social or economic and political reasons of respective states and regions of the world. Population processes constitute, at present, a global problem. In the consequence of population’s number fast increase and the irregular economic development of the world, they still remain as an actual research question. An universal regularity of present migratory processes is a decrease of birth rate along with improving the life conditions. The highest birth rate can be observed in the poorest countries. Depopulation tendencies occur, in turn, in economically developed countries. Apart from economic factors, the differences in population increase, are also influenced by social and cultural conditions of a certain region, and the evolution of political system and programs of ruling elite. Greatly diverse is also, so called, the “quality” of contemporary migration. It is presented alike by poor, uneducated people and highly educated specialists from different fields of social and economic life.
Article mentions realization of Polish politics towards Arab countries in 1973. It was crucial moment for the Middle Eastern relations because of the another Arab -Israeli conflict called Yom Kippur war and its results for the West world. Petroleum producers introduced embargo on the export of their product, which evoked economical crisis. Some of the assumptions from 1973 couldn’t be implemented because of the Yom Kippur War. This conflict made a huge impact on Polish perceiving of Arab countries. It brought to reorientation of Polish foreign policy towards this region.
The main aim of the article is to present different spheres of the Polish relations with North African countries, from the end of the Second World War until the end of the 80's of the last century when political transition begun in Poland. The adopting hypothesis states that despite significant differences in natural conditions, political systems, structure of economies, natural resources, culture and religion, Polish relations with Arab African countries have been developing in an investigated period. The origin of these relations was outlined in the context of global and regional political situation. Polish government supported Arab national movements. Poland established official diplomatic and economic ties with Arabic African countries which have gained independence. Those ties have been expanded in the 60's, 70's and 80's of the 20th century. Besides close diplomatic relations the main field of cooperation concerned economy. Turnover in mutual trade increased steadily, Poland transferred technologies and sold licenses, Polish specialists built transport infrastructure, public buildings, hospitals, sea ports, power stations, refineries, cement factories, textile factories, meat factories, sugar factories and other factories and also whole town's quarters, maritime lines between Polish and North African sea ports were established. Polish specialists carried out agricultural services. Thousands of Polish high skilled personnel worked in Arab African countries as: civil and mechanical engineers, technicians, doctors, nurses, architectures, lecturers at universities, agricultural experts. There were a quite large scale science and cultural cooperation. Few thousands of students from North Africa were educated in Poland. The fundamental changes in global order and political transition in Poland after 1989 caused deep and permanent setback in Polish relations with Arab African countries, especially in economic relations.
W artykule wskazuje się na cele i kierunki polskiej polityki zagranicznej względem krajów arabskich i muzułmańskich oraz państw afrykańskich zawarte w planie pracy resortu Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych na 1973 r. W przedmiotowym planie występują dwa regiony oddziaływań – kraje arabskie i Iran oraz państwa afrykańskie. Cały ten obszar podlegał strukturze kompetencyjnej Departamentu V.
EN
Targets and directions of Polish foreign policy towards the Arab, Muslim and African countries which were mentioned in the work plan of the Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1973 are indicated in the article. There are two districts of influence in the subject plan: Arab countries, Iran and African states. The whole of this area fell within the competence of the Fifth Department. In the course of analysis of the document, there is adduced that Poland wanted to actively participate in political and military, economic and agricultural, social and cultural life of the majority Arab and Muslim countries and selected African states. All of these countries were ranked as a wide conception of developing countries, rising markets or Third World countries. Poland was supporting ideological and national independence movements and afterwards also anti‑colonial and anti‑racial actions in the mentioned area. What in more, Poland actively participated in economic cooperation, trade exchange, sending scientific and technical personnel and accepting students’ applications for Polish universities. Furthermore, Poland was propagated cultural contacts, sending journalists, literature, science and cultural representatives and artists. All of these decisions were supposed to promote a positive image of Polish country in the Arab, Muslim and African world. Some of the assumptions of Polish foreign policy towards above region (no fundamental results when it comes to oil acquisition from the Mediterranean Sea and Persian Gulf ) couldn’t be implemented because of the Yom Kippur War and the 1973 Oil Crisis. Countries from the Mashriq region – Egypt and Libya, the Maghreb region Tunis, Algerien and Marocco, Near East – Syria and Iraq, and from the African area – Nigeria and Kenya, had fundamental meaning for Poland those days.
W artykule wskazuje się na proces instytucjonalizacji greckiego rynku medialnego. Proces ten zaczął kształtować się po wstąpieniu tego kraju do struktur europejskich, czyli po 1981 r. Sukcesywnie od końca lat 80. XX w. kształtował się on w oparciu o nowe inicjatywy, formy i działania. Jednakże proces ten jeszcze się nie zakończył ze względu na zmiany, do jakich doszło w ostatnim dziesięcioleciu. W tym czasie członkowie Krajowej Rady Radiofonii i Telewizji, ze względów proceduralnych związanych z trybem powoływania tego gremium, nie byli w stanie rozdzielać ani przedłużać koncesji radiowo-telewizyjnych, co wywołało kryzys medialny. Dodatkowo państwo greckie stanęło na krawędzi wypłacalności ze względu na stan jego finansów. Nowy rząd stworzył kolejną instytucję medialną, tym razem Sekretariat Generalny ds. Informacji i Komunikacji, który podlegał bezpośrednio premierowi i miał kontrolować rynek prasowo-radiowo-telewizyjny. Poza instytucjami wiodącymi za grecki rynek mediów odpowiadają także gremia wspomagające. W dużej mierze istniały one (jak ministerstwa czy urzędy centralne typu komisja telekomunikacji i poczty) znacznie wcześniej i do ich kompetencji oddano niektóre uprawnienia medialne, które pomagać miały instytucjom wiodącym w wypełnianiu swoich funkcji. Poza tym obszarem występowały treści upowszechniane w internecie, które znalazły się pod kontrolą specjalnej jednostki powołanej w ramach struktur policyjnych.
EN
The article points to the process of the institutionalization of the Greek media market. This process began to take shape after the country’s accession to the European structures, i.e. after 1981. Successively since the late 1980s, it has been shaped based on new initiatives, forms and activities. However, this process is not yet completed due to the changes that have taken place over the last decade. At that time, the members of the National Broadcasting Council, for procedural reasons related to the mode of appointment to this Council, were unable to grant or renew broadcasting licences, which led to a media crisis. In addition, the Greek state was on the brink of solvency due to the condition of its finances. The new government created another media related institution, this time the General Secretariat for Information and Communication, which reported directly to the Prime Minister, and its aim was to control the press, radio and television market. Apart from the leading institutions, supporting bodies are also responsible for the Greek media market. To a large extent, they (such as ministries or central offices like the Telecommunications and Postal Commission) existed much earlier and some media powers were handed over to them to assist the leading institutions in fulfilling their functions. Outside of this area, there was content disseminated on the Internet, which came under the control of a special unit established within the police structures.
The article discusses the life and activity of Poles in the countries on the Arabian Peninsula. The countries are Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Yemen (South Yemen and North Yemen after WW2), Qatar, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates. Poles had limited contacts with this part of the world in the past. Only few arrived in the peninsula. This situation changed in the 1970s when Arab states began to develop rapidly owing to funds earned from the sale of natural resources: crude oil and natural gas. As a result, they attracted scientific and technical staff as well as experts in various fields, not to mention musicians and representatives of the tourism industry. Polish women who married Arabs were also moving to the Persian Gulf. At the turn of the 20th century, the Polish communities (including earlier Poles immigrants) on the Arabian Peninsula numbered from a few to several hundred people, depending on the country. Polish individuals and families were found in Yemen and Oman, 30 in Qatar, 100 to 200 in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, and 600 in the United Arab Emirates. This last of the listed Polish communities was one of the best organised in the Arab world. For over 30 years since the Polish political and economic transformation, the Polish communities on the Arabian Peninsula have grown from several dozen (Yemen, Oman), through several hundred (Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar) to several thousand people (United Arab Emirates). Abu Dhabi, Dubai, and Sharjah continue to be most popular economic destinations for Poles and members of the Polish diaspora from the Western world.
PL
W artykule wskazuje się na pobyt i działalność Polaków w państwach położonych na terenie Półwyspu Arabskiego. Do państw tych zaliczono Arabię Saudyjską, Bahrajn, Jemen (po II wojnie światowej występował tam Jemen Południowy i Jemen Północny), Katar, Oman oraz Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie. Kontakty Polaków z tym regionem świata w przeszłości były niewielkie. Na Półwysep Arabski trafiali zatem nieliczni mieszkańcy z ziem polskich. Sytuacja ta zmieniła się od lat siedemdziesiątych XX wieku, kiedy państwa arabskie zaczęły się dynamicznie rozwijać na podstawie uzyskiwanych środków finansowych ze sprzedaży surowców naturalnych – ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego. Dzięki temu przybywały tam kadry naukowo-techniczne oraz specjaliści z różnych dziedzin, ponadto przedstawiciele branży turystycznej i muzycy. Poprzez polsko-arabskie małżeństwa nad Zatoką Perską zamieszkały także Polki, które wyszły za mąż za Arabów. Występujące na przełomie XX i XXI wieku skupiska polskie i polonijne na Półwyspie Arabskim liczyły od kilku do kilkuset przedstawicieli, w zależności od konkretnego podmiotu międzynarodowego. Pojedyncze osoby i rodziny mieszkały w Jemenie i Omanie, 30 osób w Katarze, od 100 do 200 w Bahrajnie i Arabii Saudyjskiej, a 600 w Zjednoczonych Emiratach Arabskich. To ostatnie skupisko polonijne należało do najlepiej zorganizowanych w świecie arabskim. W ciągu 30 lat od zmian systemowych podjętych nad Wisłą, społeczności polskie i polonijne na Półwyspie Arabskim rozrosły się od skupisk kilkudziesięcioosobowych (Jemen, Oman) poprzez kilkusetosobowe (Arabia Saudyjska, Bahrajn, Katar) do kilkutysięcznych (Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie). Dalej zatem Abu Zabi, Dubaj i Szardża są miastami, w których najchętniej podejmują zatrudnienie Polacy i przedstawiciele Polonii ze świata zachodniego.
The article presents the state of research on the emigration of Poles and on the Polish diaspora (Polonia), indicating a new methodological approach to Polish migration to Africa – a topic that has not been exhaustively researched. The author strives to present migration processes from Poland to the African continent. Also, the 19th and 20th-century formation of Polish and Polonia groups are presented. Due to the fact that Polish and Polonia communities emerged and vanished, different research tools and methodology should be applied in contrast to other continents. As regards the postulated research paradigms in relation to Polish emigration to Africa, the following should be considered: research on Polish migration to Central Africa, characterization of the potential of Polish specialists and academic-technical staff dispatched to Africa in the era of the Polish People’s Republic, specification of the role of Polonia communities in Africa who came from the West, migration of Poles to Africa after 1989, and writing a comprehensive monograph on the history of Polish diaspora in Africa. Research like this will enable further methodological studies on the social structure of Polonia, relations between those Poles and local communities, the use of Polish in new areas of settlement, the economic status of the diaspora, or presentation of processes of adaptation, acculturation and assimilation.
PL
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie stanu badań nad emigracją Polaków i Polonii oraz wskazanie na nowe ujęcie metodologiczne polskich migracji do Afryki, która to tematyka dotychczas nie spotkała się z wyczerpującym opracowaniem w literaturze przedmiotu. Zadaniem materiału stało się ukazanie procesów migracyjnych mieszkańców ziem polskich na Czarny Ląd, a następnie przedstawienie kształtowania się tam skupisk polskich i polonijnych w XIX i XX w. W związku z tym, że społeczności polskie i polonijne powstawały tam i zanikały, należy posiłkować się innymi narzędziami i technikami badań aniżeli na pozostałych kontynentach świata. W odniesieniu do wysuniętych paradygmatów badawczych, które należałoby w najbliższym czasie podjąć w zakresie opracowania polskich migracji na Czarny Ląd, znalazłyby się następujące postulaty: opracowanie migracji polskich do Afryki Środkowej; scharakteryzowanie potencjału polskich specjalistów i kadr naukowo-technicznych wysyłanych na Czarny Ląd w okresie PRL-u; określenie roli społeczności polonijnych przybywających z krajów zachodnich na Czarny Ląd; ukazanie migracji obywateli polskich na kontynent afrykański po 1989 r.; przygotowanie całościowej monograficznej rozprawy odtwarzającej dzieje polskiej diaspory w Afryce. Opracowania takie umożliwią podjęcie kolejnych metodologicznych badań w zakresie określenia struktury społecznej Polonii, relacji zachodzących między Polonią a społecznościami miejscowymi, używaniem języka polskiego w nowych miejscach osiedlenia, pozycją ekonomiczno-finansową diaspory czy ukazania dokonujących się procesów związanych z adaptacją, akulturacją i asymilacją.
This paper shows the development of the relationships between Polish land and state and West-African region, in particular Republic of Ghana, starting from the first exploratory expeditions up to the construction of institutional solutions in the second half of the 20th century. The first documented visits of Polish people on the coast of Ghana date back to 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, when this territory went under the colonial rules of Great Britain. These people were soldiers, administrators and traders. During the inter-war period, the Polish state was interested in gaining its own areas on this territory with the intention of future economic development. These coasts were also reached by few travelers and emigrants searching for work. Only few people can be distinguished from the Polish community staying in Ghana. This situation changed during the Second World War and post-war period. At the beginning of the 40's in Ghana an important military mission was created which was managed by allied forces. Its aim was to transport the military equipment to Northern Africa which was involved in war. Therefore, pilots and technicians were sent to Ghana for operating British planes. They were accompanied by soldiers and officers constituting the protection of the transport base and caring for order in the colony. Among people arriving in Ghana were representatives of the Polish Military Forces in West. During the first years after the end of the Second World War, a part of Polish soldiers stayed in Ghana. Over time representatives of the civil emigrant workers centered on the British Isles joined them. In the 50's the Polish community in Ghana increased to approximately 100 people. This situation changed again after 1957 when the independent state was created in West Africa. Polish-Ghanian diplomatic, economic and cultural relationships were soon started. During the first years they brought fruit in the form of dynamically developing economic co-operation, goods exchange, providing education according to the needs of the Ghanian market and the arrival of Polish scientific and technical specialists to Ghana. For Poland, Ghana was, apart from Nigeria, one of the most attractive markets in West Africa in years 1960-1966. This situation changed after the first president of Ghana who created a one-party system based on close co-operation with countries of the Eastern Block, lost his position. At the threshold of 21st century Ghana is the reflection of Polish policy towards Subsaharian Africa. It is still located in the-so-called first group of countries with priority for Polish policy with respect to this region. This is the consequence of Polish needs and economic and trade interests. Contemporary Polish community in Ghana amounts to approximately 100 people. In main part it resulted from mixed Polish-Ghanian marriages, so it can be described as matrimonial emigration. The remaining part are Polish priests and nuns working on missions.
In the article it is shown that Poles went to Egypt from the medieval times. At the beginning they were knights, priests, pilgrims and travellers. Egypt was best known in Poland of all the countries of the African continent.From the moment of the Polish Republic's fall at the end of the 18th century Polish political, military and economic emigrants started' going to Egypt. The first Poles reached the Nile within the ranks of Napoleon Bonapartes French Expedition Corps. Napoleon spent some time there at the break of the 18th century and he wanted to stop England from maintaining contacts with its overseas territories in the Middle East. Next political refugees came to Egypt after the fall of the November Uprising, when the Egyptian Muhammad Ali wanted them to join his army. Polish soldiers also went to the country of the Pyramids after the end of the Crimean War in 1856 when they lost the possibility to earn their living in the Turkish army as well as to return to Poland. About 80 members of the January Uprising worked on the construction of the Suez Canal in Egypt. In the whole of the 19th century Polish economic emigrants went to Egypt. They worked there as craftsmen, doctors, engineers and soldiers. The Polish engineers who built the Suez Canal, officers in the Egyptian Army and doctors who organized the medical service at the Egyptian court were among the most outstanding representatives of Polish emigrants to Egypt. In spite of this during the whole of that period the Polish colony in Egypt was not larger than 100 people. During World War I the Polish emigrants in Egypt established the first organization whose main aim was to regain independence for Poland. It was the first organization of this kind in North Africa and one of the first ones on the African continent. After 1918 a few of the Poles returned to Poland and a group of several dozen remained on the Nile; they were mainly Polish Jews.
In the article it is indicated that Poles became interested in Greece after the fall and partitions of the Polish Republic in 1795. The political situation prevailing then in Europe disposed both sides to co-operate. There were plans to establish a Polish-Greek Republic.In the 20’s of the 19th century Poles took part in the Greeks' uprising against Turkish rule whose aim was national independence. Some of them died in July 1822 in the battle of Peta; several others took part in the uprising in other Greek territories. Poles who died in Greece were buried in the Heroes Cemetery in Mesolongion. Some Poles took part in the uprising in Crete in 1866; more participated in the Greek-Turkish war in 1897. Zygmunt Mineyko, one of the most outstanding representatives of the Polish emigration to that country, worked then in the Greek military staff. In Rethimnon there is also a Catholic cemetery where Poles were buried who took part in supervising the cease-fire between the Greek and Turkish populations in 1897-1906. Poles' participation in the Greek resistance movement during World War II was a continuation of Polish interest in Greece and Greek struggle to keep their national identity.
This article pinpoints Polish and Polonia elites functioning in the Black Land in the second half of the twentieth century. The basic sources for this paper was Agata and Zbigniew Judycki’s study entitled Polonia. Słownik biograficzny [Polonia. A Biographic Dictionary]. In this study, 827 figures were shown who lived at the turn of the twentieth and twenty first centuries, and how played the most important role in the Polish diaspora. We find 37 surnames in the dictionaries of those who lived on the African continent; this number made up 4,47% of the total study. This value was deemed relatively high because the general number of Poles and Polonia on the Black Land was estimated at 0,1%. The African Polish and Polonia personalities at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, who might be treated as the elite, were characterized by high intellectual and professional standards. Almost all of them had graduated from universities, had learned degrees, and obtained further degrees in their professions or academic specializations. Most of the personalities in question were related to the South African region, especially the Republic of South Africa, but there were also persons living and working in North, West, Middle or East Africa. At the head of the Polish and Polonia African elites we find those working in the exact sciences or engineering. Moreover, the clergy and missionaries constituted a relatively numerous group; they were appreciated by the Catholic Church. The smallest group was represented by the representatives of the humanities and the social sciences. In the representative group one finds no artists, musicians, or filmmakers. It has been pinpointed that in the case of the Polish and Polonia settlements one should not apply the criteria that refer to the way elites function in Poland because a diaspora is characterized by specific traits, thus the elite character of the forms of activity should be understood in a broad sense.
The paper shows how the contacts between Poland and North Africa developed from the fifteenth to the twentieth centuries. The first Polish knights, pilgrimages and travellers came to North Africa as early as the Middle Ages. Egypt was a most often visited country on the way to the Holy Land. From the end of the eighteenth century onwards, other North-African lands were investigated as well. From that moment on, larger groups of Polish citizens would come flooding in, e.g. in Napoleon's expedition to Egypt, in the French Foreign League, in the Egyptian corps of Gen. Henryk Dembiński. From mid-nineteenth century onwards, Poles reach north Africa to settle and work there. There were attempts to propagate Polish permanent settlement. The representatives of Polish migration in West Europe put forward such projects. The same situation was in the interwar period, when Polish recruits to the Foreign League would arrive in this part of the Black Land. There came miners to the North-African phosphate and coal mines, farmers to work in French farms and members of Polish intelligentsia, who at times obtained prominent posts. First Polish organizations in that part of Africa were established then. Poles in North Africa played a prominent role during the Second World War. The Karpatian Brigade of Riflemen gained fame under Gen. Stanisław Kopański. Moreover, Polish civilian refugees came there, seeking rescue against the offensive of German army in Europe. In the post-war period a number of independent states were set up in Africa, Polish-African political and trade contacts were developed, therefore a group of Polish specialists arrived in the Black Land to develop industry and agriculture of the states of the Third World. Almost eighty per cent of trade contacts between Poland and Africa take place in North-African states, thus making the relationships with this part of the Black Land most significant.
The paper points to the forms of migration of Poles to North Africa after the Second World War, and the formation of Polish settlements in this part of the world. Despite the fact that Poles were arriving there since the medieval times, nevertheless the centres of Polish life took shape in the northern part of Africa since the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries these settlements would be established and disappear, and the contemporary Polish communities were established during a recent few dozen years. The Polish settlements in northern part of Africa were due to the emigration from the Polish territories in the inter-war period, then the civil and military exile from Poland from 1939 onwards, the influx of Polish scientific-technical specialists; establishment of rightful diplomatic relations between Poland and North Africa; mixed Polish-Arabian marriages, mainly due to the fact that young Arabs came to Poland to study. The representatives of Polonia in the inter-war period, the time of the war and the post-war period со-established local Polish settlements over the whole second half of the twentieth century. Few representatives are present in North Africa today, although contemporary Polish communities were dominated by Polish-Arabian mixed marriages, who began to settle there from the 1960s on. Despite that the 1650-member community in North Africa consists now only of ten per cent of Polish settlements on the Black Land, and 0.01 per cent in the world.
In the article it is shown that the first Polish travelers started visiting the land and islands of Greece as soon as the Middle Ages, but it was only in the modern times that several dozen accounts appeared that described the travelers' stay in that part of the Mediterranean Sea basin. In the 18th and at the beginning of the 19th century journeys to Hellas were not so popular as in the previous centuries. This resulted first of all from the inner situation of the Polish Republic that experienced a period of political and military breakdown. During the 18th century only about a dozen people from the Polish lands reached Hellas, and only a few of them left written accounts of their travels in the form of memoirs and letters. Political interests of the Polish emigrants living in the Apennine Peninsula fall on the break of the 18th century. Those activists wanted to settle military men in the lands of Peloponnesus and Ionian Islands and in this way to form the Polish-Greek Republic. However, intensive colonization in this area was not possible because of political changes in this part of Europe.
In the article development of diplomatic, economic and social-cultural contacts is pointed to between Poland and North Africa in the years 1918-1939. Research shows that the relations with North-West Africa (Maghrib) were different from the relations with North-East Africa. The Polish State that was revived after World War I, in the first years of its existence tried to establish rightful relations with both European countries and ones situated outside Europe. This situation was ensured by the so-called Versailles system in which the then powers participated. Along with establishing the international position of Poland, its leaders started forming a network of alliances with countries whose interests, at least partly, were similar to the Polish ones. France, one of the leading powers in the European continent, was numbered among the allies. With France's mediation also co-operation was developed with its colonial territories, among others, in North Africa. In particular regions of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia honorary consulates were established that were supposed to represent Poland on the territory of North Africa. Economic and cultural exchange was begun with this area and the Polish government tried to arouse interest in Polish commodities in the Maghrib region; also North African raw materials were imported to Poland. In Egypt, in turn, a Legation of the Polish Republic was brought into existence. It was the only agency of this kind in Africa. The decision to establish it was made mainly because of political reasons. Egypt, as one of the four independent African countries, could contribute to making Polish policies towards that continent more active. When this proved impossible, the region remained on the peripheries of Polish foreign policies. In the period between the two World Wars, Polish as well as Polish emigrant centers started to be formed on the North African coast that comprised between a few and 300 people. The most numerous of them were formed in Algeria and Morocco, less numerous ones in Egypt and Tunisia, whereas in Sudan, Libya and Mauritania there were only very few Poles.
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