„Wie sollen die Füchse im Weinberg des Herrn gefangen werden?”Antihäretische Inhalte in den Predigten Bernhards von Clairvaux und Helinands von FroidmontZusammenfassungSeit der Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts engagierten sich die Zisterzienser bei der Bekämpfung der Ketzerei im Languedoc, indem sie in den Jahren 1208-1227 als Prediger und päpstliche Legaten, aber auch als Anführer von Kreuzzügen einen bewaffneten Kampf gegen die Katharer antraten. Ein solch intensives Engagement im Kampf gegen die Ketzerei erregt seit Jahren das Interesse der Forschung. Die amerikanische Historikerin Beverly Mayne Kienzle widmete diesem Thema zahlreiche Studien (darunter vor allem: Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade in Occitania, 1145-1229. Preaching in the Lord’s Viyeard, 2001). Sie unterstrich die Bedeutung der Predigten Bernhards von Clairvaux, der sich in den 1130er Jahren als einer der ersten für den Kampf gegen die Ketzerei in Südfrankreich engagierte und dessen Schriften den Zisterziensern die Ziele dieser Tätigkeit bei der Verteidigung der Lehrautorität der Kirche vor Augen führten. Der letzte Zisterzienserprediger, der eine aktive Rolle im Kampf gegen die Häretiker spielte, war Helinand von Froidmont. In den 1220er Jahren lehrte er sowohl den Regular- als auch den Säkularklerus, Ketzer zu erkennen, und polemisierte gleichzeitig gegen einige Elemente der katharischen Lehre. Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht erneut, auf die antihäretische Tätigkeit dieser beiden Prediger einzugehen, und zeigt den Wandel der Ansichten über den Kampf gegen die Ketzerei bei den Zisterziensern auf. Der Autor analysiert die Art und Weise, wie die Prediger einen Ketzer sahen, wie sie ihn erkannten und was sie über ihre Lehren wußten. Entsprechend dem im polemischen frühchristlichen Schrifttum ausgearbeiteten Bild des Häretikers wurden sie meistens mit dem Wolf im Schafspelz oder mit Füchsen, die den Weinberg des Herren verwüsten, verglichen. Der Topos der Kirche als Weinberg des Herrn, der von den ketzerischen Füchsen verwüstet wird, wurde so zum zentralen Thema zweier Predigten Bernhards von Clairvaux über das ‚Lied der Lieder‘ (Hohelied), das ihm für Bemerkungen zur falschen Natur der Ketzer diente. Seinen Ausdruck fand dies vor allem in seiner ironischen Refl exion, daß die Ketzer einerseits zur sexuellen Abstinenz aufriefen, andererseits aber intensive Beziehungen mit Frauen unterhielten. Eine ähnliche Polemik läßt sich auch bei Helinand von Froidmont feststellen, der sich auf die Demaskierung der falschen Heiligkeit der katharischen „Perfekten“ konzentrierte. In den 1230er Jahren übernahmen Vertreter der Bettelorden den Platz der Zisterzienser im Kampf gegen die Häretiker und wurden zum integralen Bestandteil des von den Päpsten gelenkten Inquisitionssystems, in dessen Rahmen die Seelsorge parallel zu Repressalien eingesetzt wurde. ‘How to catch foxes in the Lord’s vineyard?’The problem of heresy in the sermons by St Bernard of Clairvaux and Hélinand of FroidmontAbstractSince the middle of the twelfth century Cistercians started to be more and more involved in the antiheretical operations in Languedoc, acting as preachers, papal legates and leaders of the crusading army which in 1209-1227 combated the Cathars. The book on Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade in Occitania, 1145-1229, published in 2001 by Beverly Mayne Kienzle, remains a magisterial study on the motives which inspired the Cistercians to become an active party in the Church struggle against heretics. The present article is intended to reexamine the antiheretical activities of St Bernard of Clairvaux and Hélinand of Froidmont, demonstrating the evolution of Cistercians’ approach to heretics, which took place within the eighty year period, from mid-1140s to late 1220s. The sermons of those two preachers offer a first-hand source to study how they perceived and identified heretics as well as what they knew about heretical doctrine they challenged. At the same time they shed some light on the strategies of Church combat against religious dissidents before the appointment of first papal inquisitors in 1230s.
The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 59, issue 2 (2011). The article discusses the origins of public penance for heresy in the early Christian tradition as well as examining its application in the penitential practice of the medieval Church. It demonstrates how public penance for mortal sins, which took shape in Late Antiquity, was later adopted and developed within the system of medieval Inquisition. In the medieval collections of canon law, heresy was qualified as a religious crime which required special public penance. Following the guidelines set up in the ancient Church, any heretic who declared his or her intention to renounce their wrongs was to be interrogated by a bishop, who would grant them absolution of sins and prescribed due penance. An important aspect of penance for heresy was public solemn penitence, which took place on Sundays and feast days and included a number of rituals. The penitent heretic had to appear in a special garment with his or her hair cut off and barefoot. The ritual of solemn public penitence for mortal sins was formed in Late Antiquity and as such was later incorporated into medieval pontificals. The rise of medieval Inquisition, which was used as an efficient weapon against popular heresy, stimulated the development of penitential discipline for heretics. Papal Inquisitors, who came to be appointed as extraordinary judges in heresy trials since the 1230s, were particularly inventive in the way how public penance might be employed to fight heretics. Medieval registers of heresy trials, carried out by papal inquisitors and bishops, are still the main source of information about penalties imposed on heretics who were sentenced for their errors. The public announcement of a sentence and penalty was the final act of the inquisitorial procedure. The penitential document (littera penitentialis), which was first read publicly and later handed over to the penitent heretic, listed various forms of penitence which he had to fulfil. In the inquisitorial strategy of penance, which started to be used in the first half of the thirteenth century, a solemn public penitence of heretics became commonplace. The inquisitorial registers and manuals for inquisitors described in detail the ritual of public penance and its functions. The penance imposed on heretics offered them a chance to repent publicly for their public crimes and to give satisfaction to society which had been disturbed by their deeds. That is why solemn public penance usually took place in a cathedral or central market square on feast days to be attended and witnessed by the local community. Through his special appearance and penitential garment with two penitential crosses, the heretic was highly visible and could not be anonymous. The whole society was responsible for supervising the penance of heretics and controlling their religious and moral conduct. Any act of religious transgression or misconduct was to be reported to the ecclesiastical authorities. Of course, public penitence was aimed at teaching a lesson to all the faithful and preventing them from falling into heresy.
In January 1480, in the court of Bishop Zbigniew Oleśnicki of Włocławek a few burgers of Inowrocław were summoned to testify about local supporters of Hussitism. Over the ten months, more than a dozen people were interrogated whose testimonies shed light on the activities of small groups of Kuyavian Utraquists over the course of over half a century. Testimonies of individuals suspected of heresy and witnesses, as well as notes regarding other judicial activities, were recorded in separate documentation, which constitutes the preliminary part of the oldest court book of Kuyavian bishops (currently in the Diocesan Archive in Włocławek, under reference number 011). The article analyses the creation and structure of this documentation, and at the same time shows the role of the bishop, the cathedral chapter, and the papal inquisitor in inquisitorial operations against Kuyavian adherents of Utraquism.
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W styczniu 1480 r., przed sądem biskupa włocławskiego Zbigniewa Oleśnickiego rozpoczęły się przesłuchania mieszkańców Inowrocławia w sprawie miejscowych sympatyków husytyzmu. W ciągu 10 miesięcy przesłuchano kilkanaście osób, których zeznania rzuciły światło na działalność niewielkich grup utrakwistów kujawskich na przestrzeni ponad pół wieku. Zeznania osób podejrzewanych o herezję i świadków, a także zapiski dotyczące innych czynności procesowych zostały zapisane w wyodrębnionej dokumentacji, która stanowi wstępną część najstarszej zachowanej włocławskiej księgi biskupiej (Archiwum Diecezjalnym we Włocławsku, sygn. 011). Artykuł analizuje powstanie i strukturę tej dokumentacji, a zarazem ukazuje rolę biskupa, kapituły katedralnej, a także papieskiego inkwizytora w działaniach inkwizycyjnych przeciwko kujawskim zwolennikom utrakwizmu.
Despite long-lasting research on the Hussite influences in late medieval Poland, carried out by Polish and Czech historians, it is still hard to evaluate the scale of this historical phenomenon. In contrast to a roughly continuous line of historical research in the nineteenth century and in the interwar period, Marxist historiography strove to prove a wide range of Hussite penetration in fifteenth century Poland. Recent studies, however, have questioned these findings and by means of careful analysis of available sources demonstrated a limited number of Polish advocates of Hussite ideas and an ephemeral functioning of their main centres in Great Poland and Cuyavia. Geographical proximity, language similarity and multifold mutual contacts created good opportunities for an easy spread of Hussite ideas from Bohemia in Poland. The reformatory activity of Jan Hus, the founder of the Bohemian Reformation, enshrined an intensive discussion on structural and moral reform of the Church and on the ways of putting an end to the Great Schism in the Western Christendom, The debate in Prague gained much interest among Polish intellectuals. Close links which bound Cracow professors with the Charles University in Prague facilitated the trans-mission of reformatory ideas from Bohemia to Poland. Polish students returning from Prague brought to Poland sermons of pre-Hussite preachers and provided first-hand information about the teaching of Jan Hus. Contrary to Bohemia, where Hussite preaching stimulated the growth of Czech literature, in fifteenth century Poland, the circulation of anticlerical writings in the vernacular had a very limited scale ,,The Eulogy of John Wyclif", written by Andrew Galka of Dobczyn (d. after 1451), Cracow professor, remains the best-known example of popularising anticlerical ideas in the Polish vernacular. Any attempt at evaluating the spread of Hussite ideas in Poland is hindered by patchy and incomplete ecclesiastical registers from the fifteenth century, which pro-vide the most precious data about Poles suspected of Hussitism. The main fault of these materials results from their considerable devastation and the lack of complete records of the trials against persons who were denounced as Hussites or heretics. Due to fragmentary and laconic notes in the ecclesiastical registers, the broadest definition of Hussitism was adopted in my research. Therefore, any person who either declared his/her support for Hussite doctrine, Jan Hus and other Hussite reformers, or adhered to any of the Four Prague Articles from 1420 (which created the core of Hussite doctrine accepted by various Hussite groups), is considered an advocate of Hussitism. Such a broad definition does not take into account a specifity of the ecclesiastical registers, in which various terms related to Hussite articles and in general to heresy were used interchangeably. Some of them refer directly to Hussitism, Hussites, Czechs, or to Jan Hus. The other refer to hazy charges of heresy. According to the recent findings and my own research on the available sources (mainly the ecclesiastical registers of four dioceses: Gniezno, Poznan, Pock and Wloclawek), the list of 198 Poles suspected of Hussitism can be drawn out for the whole fifteenth century. This number includes both vague charges of heresy, which through careful examination, can be attributed to Hussitism, and explicit accusations of Hussitism. Due to the patchy records only the charges against 94 persons can be verified by means of their interrogations before the ecclesiastical courts. The ecclesiastical registers provide little information about the ideas held by Polish Hussites. Recorded charges usually consist of one or two questions concerning Hussite articles. In the catalogue of Hussite ideas produced for the use of ecclesiastical inquisitors, Utraquist Communion came first and remained a distinctive sign of the attachment to Hussite ideas. Most persons suspected of Hussitism were interrogated about the administration of the chalice to the laity. Those who supported the Communion in both kinds for the laity or claimed it necessary for salvation were prosecuted by ecclesiastical jurisdiction as Hussites. Almost half of all charges of heresy, namely 99 (40 against priests and against 59 lay people), which can be drawn out from the ecclesiastical records, were related to Utraquism. Another article, termed Hussite, referred to poverty of the Church. Polish advocates of a poor Church, demanded the secularization of ecclesiastical property, and claimed that secular authorities had the right to take away ecclesiastical property. Only a few of them claimed that a priest should possess no personal belongings, except for clothing and food. A separate group of charges includes those persons who supported the teaching of Jan Hus and praised other Hussite leaders such as Jokoubek of Stíbro and Jan Rokycana. Hussite ideas had a little impact upon the Polish society. Contrary to the Marxist historiography which attempted to present Polish Hussitism as a strong religious and social movement, the available sources provide little evidence that the Hussite religious doctrine did not attract many followers in fifteenth century Poland. Hussite ideas gained some popularity only in the Hussite groups which emerged in Great Poland (Zbąszyń, Kębłowo) and Cuyavia (Pakość, Inowrocław, Nowa Nieszawa) under the protection of Utraquist nobles. The Catalogue of Hussites and persons suspected of Hussitism in fifteenth century Poland is an integral part of my book on Polish Hussites (Husyci w piętnastowiecznej Polsce, Lublin 1998). In order to examine the scale of Polish Hussitism I analyzed all the available sources. My findings were collected in a computer data-base. Social and geographical scale of Hussite articles have been thoroughly analyzed in my book on Polish Hussites. The Catalogue provides information about persons who in ecclesiastical registers were denounced as Hussites and heretics or at least were suspected to be Hussites. The collected data refer to any person suspected of Husstitsm and consist of his/her name, surname, family, place of living, diocese, social status, profession or office. They also include information about his/her articles, which were labelled heretical or erroneous, and the course of trial in ecclesiastical court (interrogation, verdict, penalties). The data are based upon primary and secondary sources which are listed at the end of each note. The Catalogue presents the data in an alphabetical order. Persons whose names remain unknown are listed in the first part of the Catalogue. Variant forms of personal and geographical names are given in brackets. The printed below Catalogue varies a bit from the list of Hussites and persons suspected of Hussitism in fifteenth century Poland, which was published in my book. New data, marked by asterisk, have been introduced mostly to include recent genealogical findings. The research of Janusz Bieniak, Jolanta Szweda and Adam Szweda enabled to identify some of the persons from Cuyavia who were accused of Utraquism. The Catalogue has been a bit extended in comparison to the list published in my book. It includes three new notes on the persons who were suspected of Hussitism: two Utraquist priests Jana of Poznań. (Catalogue, no. 57), Mikołaj, probably vicar in Kościelna Wieś. (Catalogue, no 96), Małgorzata, wife of Łazarz Lubrański (Catalogue, no 163).
The article engages in the polemics over the findings of research on the supporters of the Lutheran Reformation in the monarchy of King Sigismund the Old, presented in the study by Natalia Nowakowska, published in 2018. In the author’s opinion, the search query was conducted selectively, and some readings of Latin sources and their interpretation raise objections, as evidenced by, among other things, the case of the Cracow goldsmith Matthias Bochsler (Guthslar), dealt with in December 1532, and registered along with several other trials of Lutheranism, in the court book of Cracow bishops catalogued under the shelfmark AEp 2. The sources analysed by the British scholar do not fundamentally change the opinion of the small impact of Martin Luther’s ideas on the Polish society in the 1520s and 1530s, except for Prussian cities and elite groups of burghers of German origin active in Lesser Poland (Cracow) and Greater Poland (Poznań).
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Artykuł podejmuje polemikę z wynikami badań na temat zwolenników reformacji luterańskiej w monarchii Zygmunta Starego, które zostały przedstawione w opublikowanym w 2018 r. studium Natalii Nowakowskiej. Zdaniem autora kwerenda została przeprowadzona w sposób selektywny, a niektóre odczyty łacińskich źródeł i ich interpretacja budzą zastrzeżenia, o czym świadczy m.in. sprawa krakowskiego złotnika Macieja Bochslera (Guthslara) rozpatrywana w grudniu 1532 r. i odnotowana wraz z kilkunastoma innymi procesami o luteranizm w krakowskiej księdze biskupiej o sygnaturze AEp 2. Przeanalizowane przez brytyjską uczoną źródła nie zmieniają zasadniczo ocen o słabym oddziaływaniu idei Marcina Lutra na społeczeństwo polskie w latach dwudziestych i trzydziestych XVI w., z wyjątkiem miast pruskich i elitarnych grup mieszczan pochodzenia niemieckiego działających w Małopolsce (Kraków) i Wielkopolsce (Poznań).