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EN
The aim of the paper is to present the influence of western culture on the political thought of ancient Greece. The first example presented is the world of Homer and the emerging differences between Greeks and Trojans. The work then turns to Herodotus, who clearly indicated the differences between the Greeks and the Persian-barbarians. The Greco- Persian conflict, described by Herodotus more universally as a conflict between East and West, is primarily a conflict of two different regimes. It clarifies the different values that guided the two sides, causing significant differences in the political sphere. The empha- sis, in the wake of Herodotus, is on conflict between the free poleis and eastern despotic monarchy. The paper shows how relations with eastern culture influenced the formation of internal political awareness and political thought in ancient Greece.
EN
The oldest poem of the European culture is the work dedicated to the war – Iliad. It is frequently believed that this war is the almost separate, most important heroine of the epic. This rather common opinion, that Homer would praise war and put military struggles ahead of times of peace, I would like to undermine in this work. Both in Iliad and Odyssey, there is a clear critique not only of the war itself but also more generally – of violence as a way of solving conflicts, while the times of peace and peaceful life are praised. In this article, I draw attention to various motifs presented in both epics, confirming the above thesis: statements of the heroes, presented symbolism, behavior of the gods, and finally the character of Achilles, who, while being the ideal warrior, remains also the main exponent of all doubts concerning the warfare. These doubts, as well as his wishes for another life most fully reflect Homer’s ambivalent attitude to war and provoke reflection on whether the poet actually was the praising her glory, or whether he tried to express the belief in the rightness of a different way of life and conflict resolution.
PL
Najstarszym poematem w kręgu kultury europejskiej jest utwór poświęcony wojnie – Iliada. Panuje przekonanie, iż ta wojna jest wręcz osobną, najważniejszą bohaterką eposu. Tę dość powszechną opinię, jakoby Homer miał sławić wojnę i przedkładać zmagania wojskowe nad czasy pokoju, pragnę podważyć w niniejszej pracy. Zarówno bowiem w Iliadzie, jak i Odysei pojawia się wyraźna krytyka nie tylko samej wojny, ale i ogólniej – przemocy mającej stanowić sposób rozwiązywania konfliktów, chwalone są zaś czasy pokoju i spokojne życie. W artykule zwracam uwagę na rozmaite motywy przedstawione w obu eposach potwierdzające powyższą tezę (wypowiedzi bohaterów, przedstawioną symbolikę, zachowanie bogów), jak również na postać Achillesa, który będąc ideałem wojownika, pozostaje zarazem głównym wyrazicielem wszelkich wątpliwości dotyczących słuszności działań wojennych. Wyrażane przezeń wątpliwości oraz marzenia o innym życiu najpełniej oddają ambiwalentny stosunek Homera do wojny i prowokują do zastanowienia się nad tym, czy poeta rzeczywiście był piewcą jej chwały czy też starał się wyrazić przekonanie o słuszności innego sposobu życia i rozwiązywania konfliktów.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present the role that might have been played by people in archaic Greece, already before the full development of People’s Assemblies. Already at the time of formation of Greek poleis, the voice of this social group had an increasing importance and exerted an influence on the rulers. As an example, two earliest works of Greek culture will be presented: The Iliad of Homer and Works and Days by Hesiod. They will help realize how important for rulers were actions taken by their army, which in The Iliad represents the people, and what effects soldiers’ decisions could have. Contrasting the character of Thersites from The Iliad with the self-portrait of Hesiod in the Works and Days allows noticing how the role of people’s representatives evolved – from those deprived of an opportunity to express their opinions to individuals, who can present their own views and criticize the government. These elements enable us to observe the role of people and their influence on rulers at the first stage of development of polis, as well as how they gradually gained more and more extensive power to influence affairs of the state, which in turn led to a legally sanctioned possibilities to intervene and to the emergence of People’s Assemblies in ancient Greece.
EN
The aim of this article is to refer Polybius’s political theory, included in Book VI of The Histories, to the history of the rise of the Roman Republic. This theme must have been particularly significant for Polybius. For him, Rome was the most perfect example of a mixed government system, and the aim of describing its history was to show the development of this perfect system. The article presents the mutual relation of theory and history, starting with the period of kingship, up to the emergence of the democratic element, i.e. the moment when Rome acquired the mixed system of government. Both the political and social contexts of the changes are outlined. The analysis suggests that Polybius related his political theory to the history of the state he admired, thus providing the theory with actual foundations. Reconstructing his analysis makes it possible to see the history of Rome in a different light, and to ponder the system itself and its decline, even though the main objective of both Polybius and this article is to present its development.
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EN
This paper aims to suggest a new approach towards the analysis of myths, especially those of ancient Greece, and the role they play in the field of legal and political sciences. Even though the “political myth” is nowadays a recognized category, the “typical”, “old-fashioned” myths, that is, the stories of origins, creation, gods, and heroes, are still easily dismissed. Those stories however played an essential part in the formation of our culture and are not devoid of political themes. At their beginnings, when myths were being formed and retold, they were mingled with reality and perceived as “historical”. As part of tradition and history, they were the carriers of values and concepts, many of which could be deemed “political”, and they helped to create a sense of community. Therefore, this article proposes analysing the myth and the literary works retelling it, along with pertinent ancient history, in a “Greek” fashion, that is, without stressing the differences and classifications, but with reading between the lines, to see how deeply political thought can be rooted in peoples’ minds.
EN
The purpose of this article is to explore the classical understanding of the concept of myth and its potential usefulness in legal education. Its primary objective is to show, by analysing Aristotle’s ways of obtaining knowledge, that the idea of myth (mythos) should not be viewed as contradictory to reason (logos). Rather, it can be interpreted as a practical mode of reasoning that aligns with the Aristotelian concept of phronesis. In the initial section, the concept of myth is examined in relation to logos and aletheia. They are portrayed as distinct types of knowledge positioned on opposite ends of the spectrum, with myth embodying the notion of a “golden mean” between them. This trio is then contrasted with the methods of acquiring knowledge, namely techne – phronesis – episteme. These comparisons introduce a new conceptual framework and suggest the potential application of the concept of “myth” in legal sciences by juxtaposing mythos and phronesis. Mythos represents a fluid, changeable, and relational knowledge, while phronesis represents the ways of acquiring it. For legal studies, which still predominantly align with either episteme or techne, acknowledging the novel role of knowledge presented by myth can offer an alternative framework of education and practice. This could lead to the creation of lawyers who are not solely passive (as described by Arendt), nor are the “mouth that merely pronounces the words of law” as Montesquieu desired, but rather as the phronimoi that can evaluate reasons, consider social context, deliberate well, and make thoughtful judgments and decisions that impact present-day society.
EN
When Ronald Dworkin used the metaphor of Hercules as a judge, he referred to the centuries-old heritage of European thought and its sources in Greek culture. The reference to the figure of a well-known, archetypal hero brought Dworkin’s concept of a judge-interpreter closer to modern readers. It also proved that ancient models, affecting the imagination, still play an important educational role. In this text, however, Dworkin’s choice of hero is questioned. Dworkin seems to see Heracles through post-Platonic and Stoic lenses, quite differently than the hero was presented in myths. This paper aims to present the broader educational value of heroes and myths. Following Dworkin’s example, an alternative is proposed: Theseus of Athens, most widely known for his victory over the Minotaur. However, the article draws attention to the lesser-known part of his biography, which is his qualities as a leader and king of Athens. The analysis of the character of Theseus based on available literary sources will make it possible to observe the desired characteristics of a leader and his relationship with the society within a state considered democratic. It aims to demonstrate that power, authority, and democracy are not set in an antagonistic triangle but rather complement each other. At the same time, it also points to the constant relevance of the myth, which, thanks to its continuous impact on the imagination, can serve as an important educational tool also in modern times – just as it was used by Dworkin. 
PL
Choć współczesne badania wskazują, że rola informacji, wiedzy i kapitału intelektualnego w kształtowaniu rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego została dostrzeżona dopiero w koncepcji gospodarki opartej na wiedzy, warto zauważyć, że pomimo dynamicznego rozwoju świata, wciąż funkcjonujemy w określonych ramach pojęciowych, ustalonych przed erą postindustrialną. Pogoń za wiedzą, cenioną zarówno ze względu na nią samą, jak i ze względu na jej praktyczne zastosowania, była od dawna przedmiotem zainteresowania cywilizacji europejskiej, począwszy od filozofii greckiej. Celem artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na arystotelesowską koncepcję fronesis. Choć termin ten jest dziś często wspominany, zwykle bywa postrzegany jako pożądana cecha, a nie umiejętność praktyczna – działanie. Jednakże, założenie że to zastosowanie wiedzy (a nie samo jej zdobywanie), kluczowe dla gospodarki opartej na wiedzy, zostało już zawarte w greckim określeniu oikonomiké – zarządzanie i stanowiło powód, aby uważać jednostkę za fronimosa – rozważnego przywódcę. Dlatego głębsza analiza starożytnych koncepcji pogłębić nasze zrozumienie złożonej roli pełnionej przez wiedze we współczesnej ekonomii, zwłaszcza że ta „wiedza fronetyczna” jest praktyczna i zachęca do działania, tym samym napędzając postęp i ewolucję.
EN
The aim of this paper is to reflect on contemporary understanding of “knowledge” within the Knowledge-Based Economy. Since the pursuit of knowledge has been a longstanding focus of European culture since Greek philosophy, we employ the original ancient terminology. Applying the hermeneutics of ancient texts along with critical and comparative analysis can aid in differentiating between “knowledge” and “wisdom”, often linked in modern theories, while also connecting this issue to the Aristotelian concept of phronesis. The authors argue that since human relations impact social (and so-economic) spheres, the issue of phronesis, a relational type of knowledge, should not go unexamined. The idea that application of knowledge (rather than its mere acquisition), crucial for the Knowledge-Based Economy, was embedded in the Greek term oikonomiké, which provides a basis for considering oneself a phronimos. Our aim is to demonstrate the value of phronesis particularly in the fields of management and the philosophical foundations of economics, as the skills encompassed within it have the potential to aid in educating not only a “sage” but also an active member of the community, capable of acting in a manner that benefits both themselves and the society.
PL
W artykule wykorzystano potencjał wyobraźni przestrzennej do przedstawienia wyzwań stojących przed sędziami oraz władzą sądowniczą w dzisiejszych czasach, wynikający z intensywnych debat filozoficznych i teoretycznych na temat przyszłości demokracji oraz różnych „demokratycznych innowacji”. Aby zidentyfikować i omówić możliwe reakcje na te nowe wyzwania, odwołujemy się do trójpoziomowej koncepcji uniwersum politycznego. Twierdzi się, że „nowoczesna” wyobraźnia prawno-polityczna zaniedbała znaczenie najbardziej podstawowego z tych poziomów, czyli poziomu wspólnie podzielanych wartości kulturowych. W efekcie, jak podsumował Monteskiusz, sędziowie to „jedynie usta, które wygłaszają brzmienie praw”. Ten tradycyjny pogląd wciąż utrzymuje się w debatach prawnych, ale staje się coraz bardziej niewystarczający, ponieważ nie pozwala prawnikom na czynny udział we współczesnych debatach politycznych i ustrojowych. Niestety, próby jego przezwyciężenia są często dalekie od satysfakcjonujących, gdyż koncentrują się na usprawiedliwieniu lub krytyce rzekomo nieuniknionego „upolitycznienia” wymiaru sprawiedliwości. W efekcie oba wyobrażenia zachęcają raczej do rywalizacji niż do dialogu, co może rzeczywiście utrudniać zrozumienie nowych procesów politycznych i reagowanie na nie. W podsumowaniu artykułu sugerujemy, że historia europejskich tradycji polityczno-prawnych daje możliwość wyjścia poza taką neutralno-polityczną opozycję w kierunku bardziej skomplikowanego poglądu, który jednocześnie jest bardziej nastawiony na niekończące się walki o demokrację i z demokracją.
EN
The article uses the potential of spatial imagination to discuss challenges judicial power and judges face nowadays, due to fierce philosophical and theoretical debates over the future of democracy and various “democratic innovations”. To identify and discuss possible reactions to these new challenges, we refer to the three-level concept of the political universe. It is argued that the “modern” legal and political imagination has neglected the importance of the most basic of these levels, namely the level of commonly shared cultural values. In effect, as Montesquieu famously summarized, judges became “no more than the mouth that pronounces the words of the law”. This traditional view is still persistent in legal debates but proves to be more and more insufficient, as it does not allow lawyers to take an active part in contemporary political and constitutional debates. Unfortunately, the attempts to overcome it are often far from being satisfactory, as they focus on justifying or criticising allegedly inevitable “politicization” of the judiciary. In effect, both images encourage competition rather than a dialogue, which may in fact hinder understanding and responding to new political processes. In the conclusions of the article, we suggest that the history of European political and legal traditions offers a possibility to go beyond such neutral-political opposition towards a more complicated view, which is at the same time more attuned to unending struggles for and with democracy.
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