The aim of the paper is to present conflict of norms in the New Zealand legal order on the basis of Maori customary burial (tangihanga). This conflict remains unsolved, but in fact concerns many citizens. New Zealand law is a hybrid of legal and religious customs coming from the indigenous minority of Maoris on one hand and the British common law system on the other side. It needs to be underlined that the Maori customary law (tikanga) possesses de iure a position as norms of the jus cogens character. Any ruling of courts or tribunals, any act of the parliament in Wellington or any acts of administration ought to be made in accordance with tikanga. This also applies to civil law, including burial. In recent years, there were prosecuted several civil proceedings between persons of the Maori origin. The Burial and Cremation Act 1964 was set against the wills of indigenous testators. However, very often these traditional burial habits are incompatible with the domestic law standards. Thus, this paper is an attempt to demonstrate the difficult of civil law in New Zealand. This subject, nonetheless, has been grown in importance, along with greater awareness of civil society and wider possibilities of contact (both legal and extrajudicial) with the state.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie konfliktu norm w porządku prawnym Nowej Zelandii na podstawie zwyczajowego pochówku Maorysów (tangihanga). Konflikt pozostaje nierozwiązany, a dotyczy wielu obywateli. Prawo nowozelandzkie to hybryda zwyczajowych i religijnych norm pochodzących od rdzennej mniejszości maoryskiej i brytyjskiego systemu prawa precedensowego. Należy podkreślić, że zwyczajowe prawo Maorysów (tikanga) posiada de iure pozycję normy o charakterze ius cogens. Wszelkie orzeczenia sądów i trybunałów czy akty parlamentu w Wellington lub czynności administracyjne powinny być podejmowane zgodnie z tikanga. Dotyczy to również prawa cywilnego, w tym pochówku. W ostatnich latach toczyło się kilka postępowań cywilnych między osobami pochodzenia maoryskiego. Ustawa o pochówku i kremacji z 1964 roku była sprzeczna z wolą rdzennych testatorów. Jednak bardzo często te tradycyjne rytuały pogrzebowe są niezgodne ze standardami prawa stanowionego. Niniejszy artykuł jest zatem próbą wykazania trudności w prawie cywilnym Nowej Zelandii. Temat ten zyskał na znaczeniu wraz z większą świadomością społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i szerszymi możliwościami kontaktu (zarówno prawnego, jak i pozasądowego) z państwem.
The article describes administrative judiciary in New Zealand, as well as its significant role in the whole legal system of the country. The development of administrative tribunals in many countries may differ, as it is associated with the constantly increasing power of any state bodies. Administrative competences do gradually rise due to the complexity of New Zealand society, but also as a response to non-compliance with social justice. In New Zealand, state carries out the functions which until recently were, or in certain countries are still, in private hands. In addition, the New Zealand administrative law system includes such institutions as the Court of Copyright, the Office of Pharmacy or the College of Appeal Land.
The purpose of writing this article is to present two legal solutions, of a great value from the national and European perspective: the Schengen Area and the Polish Card. Both of these instruments operate in parallel in internal and international legal orders. What appears important here is their legal relation for the Polish citizens moving within the European Union. The relations between those two institutions are not sufficiently analysed, which might raise doubts among Poles and people of the Polish origin, or representatives of public administration. The Polish Card (also called the Polish Charter), being the latest instrument of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was issued in 2007. It provides legal assistance to the Polish diaspora in Eastern Europe, while the Schengen Agreement from 1985 relates to migration processes in the majority of Western European countries. One cannot miss the rising dependence of the European Union on its neighbours, as well as increase in migration needs in modern Europe.
The Eastern Partnership is an offi cial programme of the European Union within the eastern strategy according to the European Neighbourhood Policy. Eastern European states, including Caucasus, can count on Brussels’ support in enforcing far-reaching reforms, regardless of their will to become EU members. Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine are the six states which participate in this very ambitious endeavour. The basis of cooperation is not legally binding; it is comprised of soft law acts. Thus, expected transition to well-prosperous, democratic states ruled by law might be achieved in a more convenient way, in rate and scope appropriate for single partners. Poland is very proud of its friendly, stable, and trust-based relations within the region. Warsaw became a role model for those six states. The initiative came from the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Radosław Sikorski. Year by year, the programme has been extended. The Polish Presidency in the Council of the European Union in 2011 made the EaP the fl agship initiative. Due to Poland’s vital input the Eastern Partnership is considered to have achieved success in both political and economic dimensions. With the aid of the Western democratic states, the Eastern countries are able to accomplish stability, security and welfare.
The article is an attempt to look at the New Zealand constitution from the Law and Economics perspective. This methodological approach is relatively new and till now, insufficiently explored. It implies the rational choice of a human being who strives to maximize own usefulness in public life. This assumption requires the legal frameworks though. The South Pacific legal studies are indeed a scientific gap in Poland and the whole Europe. Due to this fact, it needs to be filled, by researching the law of the Oceanian states. The Constitution Act is de iure the source of legal values within the society. However, New Zealand, as the rest of the postcolonial states of the British Empire, does not possess a typical constitution (according to the continental doctrine). The Constitution of New Zealand is compounded of many acts and customs of different hierarchy and origin. Law and EconoThis assumption requires the legal frameworks though. The South Pacific legal studies are indeed mics perspective allows also to analyse the constitutional law from the perspective of the pragmatic choices of citizens.
The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world’s leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation betweentwo continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.
EN
The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world’s leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.
The aim of the article was to present, as well as to analyse legally, the situation of the population of Rapa Nui (Easter Island) in the light of regional norms of international law. Rapa Nui was annexed by Chile in 1888. Since then violations of the rights of indigenous peoples living on the Island have been observed. The legal situation of the inhabitants of Easter Island is difficult due to the Chilean government’s failure to respect, i.a., the right to self-determination or the right to environmental protection. The research assumption is, therefore, to discuss the actual situation in which indigenous peoples find themselves and then to confront it with the legal situation, which does give the opportunity to improve the difficult position of Rapa Nui. There are a number of American regional norms, along with a series of judgements of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which might help local people in regaining their freedoms, as well as in improving their material well-being. The research method used was the method of legal analysis, consisting of analysing the content of binding legal regulations, internal law arrangements, regional judiciary, and international agreements regulating the situation of indigenous minorities, as well as internal official data. The results show solid legal possibilities for the Rapa Nui population, which has the basis to enforce its rights in the field of universal civil rights, respect for their constitutional social and economic rights, along with the right to live in the clean natural environments.
PL
Celem artykułu było zaprezentowanie sytuacji ludności Rapa Nui (Wyspy Wielkanocnej) oraz dokonanie jej prawnej analizy w świetle regionalnych norm prawa międzynarodowego. Rapa Nui została zaanektowana przez Chile w 1888 r. Od tego czasu obserwuje się łamanie praw ludności autochtonicznej zamieszkującej Wyspę. Sytuacja prawna mieszkańców Wyspy Wielkanocnej jest trudna ze względu na nierespektowanie przez chilijski rząd m.in. prawa do samostanowienia czy prawa do ochrony środowiska naturalnego. Założeniem badawczym było omówienie sytuacji faktycznej, w jakiej znajdują się autochtoni, oraz skonfrontowanie jej z sytuacją prawną, która daje sposobność do polepszenia trudnej pozycji Rapa Nui. Istnieje szereg norm prawa regionalnego Ameryki, wraz z serią wyroków Międzyamerykańskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka, które mogą pomóc w faktycznym odzyskaniu swobód przez miejscową ludność, a także doprowadzić do poprawy ich sytuacji materialnej. Zastosowana metoda badawcza to metoda analizy prawnej, polegająca na analizie treści obowiązujących regulacji prawnych, umów prawa wewnętrznego, regionalnego sądownictwa oraz międzynarodowych porozumień regulujących sytuację mniejszości autochtonicznych, a także wewnętrznych danych urzędowych. Wyniki wskazują na konkretne możliwości prawne dla ludności Rapa Nui, która ma podstawy egzekwować swoje prawa w zakresie uniwersalnych swobód obywatelskich, respektowania ich konstytucyjnych praw społecznych i ekonomicznych wraz z prawem do życia w czystym środowisku naturalnym.
Pacific Islands Development Forum (PIDF) was formally established through signing of an agreement in 2015. The two previous gatherings were informal and did not bring any legally binding documents. The 3rd summit, entitled “Building Climate Resilient Green Blue Pacific Economies” introduced not only the constituting agreement, being an international treaty, what in turn made PIDF an intergovernmental organization having its own legal personality, but also created the pivot for the new wave of the Pacific regionalism. The regional cooperation among the small island states is being made ineffectively and economically inefficiently due to many reasons. The most relevant of which are the over fragmentation of the existing regional organisations and constant creation of ad hoc institutions which have no personality, powers or sanctions for non-fulfilment of the jointly adapted agreements.
PL
Forum Rozwoju Wysp Pacyfiku (Pacific Islands Development Forum – PIDF) zostało formalnie ustanowione przez podpisanie umowy w 2015 r. Dwa poprzednie spotkania były bowiem nieformalne i nie przyniosły żadnych prawnie wiążących dokumentów. Trzeci szczyt, zatytułowany „Budowanie odpornego na warunki klimatyczne zielono-niebieskiego Pacyfiku”, wprowadził nie tylko konstytuującą podstawę prawną, będącą wszak umową międzynarodową, co z kolei uczyniło z PIDF organizację międzyrządową posiadającą osobowość prawną, lecz także stworzyło podwaliny nowej fali regionalizmu na Pacyfiku. Współpraca regionalna pomiędzy małymi wyspiarskimi państwami jest nieskuteczna i ekonomicznie nieefektywna z wielu powodów. Najważniejsze z nich to nadmierne rozdrobnienie istniejących organizacji regionalnych oraz ciągłe tworzenie instytucji ad hoc, które nie mają osobowości prawnej, uprawnień ani sankcji za niewykonanie wspólnie przyjętych porozumień.
Cooperation in the South Pacific region is unique due to the characteristics of its participants. Following the period of decolonization (1962-1980), countries in Oceania have radically changed. Achieving independence gave those nations international legal personality, yet complete independence from their former colonial powers. The following consequence was gaining an opportunity to draft, adopt and execute own laws in national and foreign policy. PICT (Pacific island countries and territories) have been expanding connections, political and trade ones, within the region since the 1960s when permanent migration of islanders and intra-regional transactions began. Migrations along with foreign aid are considered as the distinctive characteristics of the Pacific Ocean basin. Since the 1980s, the regional integration in Oceania, through establishing regional groupings and increasing the regional trade agreements number, took on pace and scope. The MIRAB synthetic measure (migration, remittances, aid, bureaucracy) has been used in analyzing the Oceania developing microeconomies. Last but not least, migration and foreign aid have been retaining the region from a deeper and more effective stage of regionalism.
Sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea became a key topic for the negotiations since the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio de Janeiro. Ocean change is now the most significant threat facing humanity, especially those living in coastal areas. The possible and already observed loss of territory, and thus sovereignty of the submerged states, is not the only legal consequence of ocean change happening now, in the 21st century. Another factor is the downsizing of Exclusive Economic Zones, which implies political tensions between the neighboring countries, both sovereign and dependent territories of the former colonial powers. France is present in the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean via its overseas collectivities. Thus, instead of being at the 45th position in the world’s ranking of the ocean powers, the Republic of France comes in the second position, straight after the United States of America. This high and indeed precious position, both geostrategically and economically, affects its views toward the United Nations negotiations process on biological diversity beyond national jurisdiction.
This article aims to analyse the legal status of regional cooperation among the South Pacific countries and territories, as not every entity in the Pacific Basin possesses International law features of a state. Regionalisation, as well as regionalism, as illustrated by the example of the South Pacific region, is a new topic to examine, especially in the Polish and European literature. Therefore, this topic does need further and deeper analysis. First of all, both regionalism and regionalisation are international phenomena that were set against the process of globalisation only in the last two decades of the 20th century. Secondly, the Pacific Ocean became more dominant in geopolitics than the Atlantic Community at the beginning of 21st century. There are many publications regarding local cooperation mechanisms worldwide. Most of them, though, concern political and/or economic integration, and neglect the legal aspects of regional integration. The outcome of this article is nonetheless to present the contemporary legal statusof the South Pacific cooperation, though it is at the stage of regionalisation, while not yet regionalism – fully formalised and structuralised just as it is on the other continents.
Over the entire 20th century, there was a joint government of France and the Great Britain in what is now the Republic of Vanuatu. This specific form of governance, called condominium, is legitimatised by the virtue of international law, but it occurs indeed rarely. This political system provides the equal distribution of rights and responsibilities in the colony, and also between the partner states. Nonetheless, the dual governments in Vanuatu deny this principle. The article presents the history of the Republic’s statehood as well as the implications of the joint British-French governments on the current legal order.
“Together, protecting marine biodiversity: know how to act” was the French governmental conference organized by three ministries in Paris on 12 March 2020. Ministry of Higher Education, Research and Innovation, Ministry of Agriculture and Alimentation, and Ministry for the Ecological and Inclusive Transition along with two research think tanks, Ifremer and OFB have organized the “day of biodiversity”. Participants were mostly researchers, governmental and local officials, business leaders, fishermen, representatives of associations and foundations, all from France. Thus, the language of the conference was French. The conference took place in the 13th century Collège of Bernardins, a former Cistercian college of the historic University of Paris. Experts and audience shared reflections and discussions on major research issues on ocean change, as well as the French position towards global maritime policy in order to find proposals for sustainable management and protection of the ocean.
Warsaw Science Diplomacy School 2020 was the 1st edition of summer school held together by the European Academy of Diplomacy, based in Poland, and the European Union led programme Inventing a shared Science Diplomacy for Europe (InsSciDE). The week-long venue took place online, due to the coronavirus pandemic, between 22-26 June 2020. Class of 2020 consisted of 28 participants from 6 continents, 10 European Union member states and 27 countries in total, where vast majority possessed different nationality and country of residence. Also, the mentors and instructors of the school came from over 13 institutions gathered in the InsSciDe consortium. Participants were divided into 4 teams where they were discussing study cases of how European science diplomacy applies to global challenges. The chosen challenges were the following: Natural resources as public goods for global health; A Matter of Global Epidemic Diplomacy; Scientists in diplomacy during the Scramble for Africa; and A co-production of science and diplomacy in the Law of the Sea.
The paper reports the conference on Australia, organized by the Polish research association based in Cracow (Australia, New Zealand and Oceania Research Association, ANZORA). The 2020 edition was already the 12th conference entitled Australia in the Time of Crisis: Climactic, Cultural, Economic, and Political Solutions. This year, the co-organizing unit was the University of Łódź, as every year, ANZORA promotes Pacific Studies at different Polish universities. The hosting faculty was the Faculty of International and Political Studies, with its Chair of British Studies and the Commonwealth Countries, as well as the “Australian Studies” Scientific Association. The panelists came from numerous disciplines and eight academic institutions from Poland and three from abroad. In total, there were 21 presenters: young scholars, experienced academics, independent researchers as well as enthusiasts of the Australian continent. Besides the University of Bergen in Norway, foreign speakers represented the Université de Bourgogne in France and the Australian Embassy in Poland. Three diplomatic missions have taken the honorary patronage over the event. Those were the Australian Embassy, the Embassy of New Zealand, and the Polish Embassy in Australia. The supporting institutions were the University of Bergen, the Polish Geopolitical Society, and the Academy of European Careers Foundation.
Understanding the rule of law in the Antipodes, that is in the Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand, as a legal value is clear to both of these societies. The rule of law, oftentimes called the state of law, is the basis of the system of values, as well as legal culture, which determines which social values are legally protected and how high their position de facto and de iure is. The hierarchy of the rule of law in the Antipodes shows undoubtedly how various legal norms, unwritten and those codified ones, protect the democratic system with all its principles, along with the rights and freedoms of citizens and persons residing in these two countries.
The cultural context, where two neighboring Slavic nations are in a state of war and the Russian imperialistic approach has never gone away for good, must be taken seriously into consideration. The international legal analysis of the Russo-Ukrainian war is not enough to truly understand the essence – rationale – of this armed conflict and then to find a solution to how to solve it and punish the perpetrator – the Russian Federation. The arguments gathered here by the author come from her own experience during trips to Russia and Ukraine, as well as military courses facilitation where students are taught that in modern warfighting it becomes more and more valid to change the (Western) lens and begin thinking as the perpetrator does. Only then we are objectively able to see and understand if the atrocities committed by Russian troops in Ukraine bear the hallmarks of a war crime or an act of genocide.
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