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PL
Die Pikten und die Papar – die Ureinwohner der Orkney-Inseln im 9. Jahrhundert Ein Beitrag zur ältesten isländisch-norwegischen GeschichtsschreibungZusammenfassungDer Beitrag widmet sich den die Orkney-Inseln betreffenden Passagen aus der norwegischen Chronik Historia Norwegie. Die Entstehung dieses Werkes wird unterschiedlich datiert (Mitte 12. Jahrhundert – 1266), unterschiedlich sind auch die hierzu geäußerten Ansichten in der Fachliteratur. So wird (u. a. von Peter A. Munch und Barbara E. Crawford) behauptet, daß der Chronist sein Wissen über die ersten Bewohner der Orkney-Inseln – die Pikten und die Papar – aus einer lebhaften mündlichen Tradition geschöpft habe. Beide Völker sollen die vor der Nordküste Schottlands gelegenen Inseln bewohnt haben und von den Wikingern unter Harald Schönhaar, dem ersten König von Norwegen, vertrieben worden sein. Für diejenigen Historiker, die sich vornehmlich mit den aus dem Ethnonym Papar gebildeten und in der skandinavischen Welt häufig vorkommenden Ortsnamen beschäftigten, war diese Nachricht ein glaubwürdiges Zeugnis für die Existenz dieses Volkes auf den Orkney-Inseln. Die von dem anonymen Chronisten den Pikten und den Papar zugeschriebenen Eigenschaften interessierten sie hingegen kaum. Denn die Pikten werden von dem Geschichtsschreiber mit den Pygmäen verglichen, da auch sie sich aus Angst in unterirdischen Häusern versteckt haben sollen. Die Papar hingegen, die sich in geistliche Gewänder hüllten, hinterließen Bücher, die ihre afrikanische Herkunft und ihren jüdischen Glauben bezeugten. Eine vergleichende Analyse, die auch die Spezifika mittelalterlicher Ethnographie berücksichtigt, führt zu dem Ergebnis, daß der Schreiber seine Angaben von den älteren Chronisten (Ari, Adam von Bremen) übernommen hat und diese um Details über exotische Völker aus allgemeinen Darstellungen (Aristoteles, Honorius von Autun) ergänzte. Es erscheint daher wenig wahrscheinlich, daß der Autor mündliche Traditionen wiedergibt. Picts and Papes – the original inhabitants of the Orkney Islands in the 9th century A contribution to the study of the oldest Icelandic-Norwegian chroniclesAbstractThe subject of the paper are the fragments concerning the Orkney Islands in the Norwegian chronicle Historia Norwegie. The chronicle is variously dated (between mid-12th c. and 1266) and there are different opinions on its genesis, including one stating that its author had access to a living oral tradition about the original inhabitants of Orkney – Picts and Papes. Comparative analysis, recognising the specificity of medieval ethnography, leads to different conclusions. It seems that the chronicler composed his descriptions from details taken from earlier written sources and elements of knowledge about exotic peoples.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest opowieść Mistrza Wincentego Kadłubka o potrójnym zwycięstwie Lestka III nad Juliuszem Cezarem i założeniu w Polsce dwóch miast przez siostrę tego ostatniego. Posługując się materiałem porównawczym, dowodzę, że opowieść ta została zbudowana z wędrownych motywów literackich, by pokazać niezależność Polski od Cesarstwa.
EN
The article deals with the story of Master Vincentius Kadłubek about the triple victory of Prince Lestek III over Julius Caesar and the foundation of two towns in Poland by the sister of the latter. With the use of comparative material, it is proved that this story was built on the basis of travelling literary motifs to show Poland’s independence from the Empire.
EN
The article is an attempt to look at the mediaevalist work of Jacek Banaszkiewicz through the prism of statements of other scholars using the comparative method (including M. Handelsman, M. Małowist, M. Tymowski, K. Modzelewski). The aim is to answer the question of whether there is a set of guidelines that every comparatist should follow. The specific issues discussed here include the role of difference and similarity in comparison, the notions of function, analogy and homology, geographical and chronological limitations of comparative studies, and the role of influence and reception.
EN
In the article, I undertake an analysis of a distich by Master Vincentius Kadłubek about Prince Mieszko the Old seeking supporters against Leszek the White. First, I reflect on its literal meaning, and then attempt to answer the question from where the chronicler could have borrow it. Finally, I examine how Prince Mieszko was portrayed in the fourth book of the Chronicle.
PL
W artykule podjęto analizę dwuwiersza Wincentego Kadłubka o Mieszku Starym szukającym stronników przeciwko Leszkowi Białemu. Pierwszym zaprezentowanym zagadnieniem jest refleksja nad literalnym znaczeniem strofy, a następnie źródeł, z których kronikarz mógł ją zapożyczyć. Ostatnią poruszoną kwestią jest sposób przedstawienia Mieszka w IV księdze Kroniki.
PL
In illa terra, ubi nullus antiquitatum unquam scriptor fuerit. History as a Component of the Identity of a Civilised People (Upon the Example of an Account by Theodoricus Monachus of the Circumstances of the Baptism of St. Olaf)The article presents the circumstances of the baptism of St. Olaf recounted by Theodoricus Monachus, a Norwegian chronicler from the end of the twelfth century. Theodoricus noted that the time and place of the ruler’s christening remained unknown. This is not surprising since, he added, up to then Norway did not have a chronicle of ancient times, and even St. Jerome was uninformed about data concerning the christening of Constantine the Great. The presented analysis pertains to sources used by Theodoricus to learn about the emperor’s baptism and traces of a twelfth–century discussion about the donation made by him and Constantinian ideology. Finally, the author inquired into the meaning of a comparison of the two rulers in view of the fact that the chronicler did not envisage the Norwegian king as a „New Constantine” but was concerned with demonstrating that the until recently barbarian Norwegians, who did not have at their disposal a historiographic tradition of their own, did not differ much from the level delineated by ancient civilisation. After all, even the Romans were uncertain where the first Christian emperor had been baptised.
PL
The article presents a critique of a research method whereby historical sources could not have possibly lied as they were targeted at the addressees who knew the actual course of the events described or referred to. This attitude toward the sources has its antecedence in Snorri Sturluson’s argument on the reliability of skaldic poetry. To his mind, the poems were biased but still valuable, in a way, as they were declaimed before the rulers who would have perceived an untrue account “as a mockery, rather than a praise”. The question arises, what kind of a situation Snorri tried to preclude: one where a mean warrior would have been shown as a great hero? Or, perhaps, one where a defector would have been portrayed as a warrior bravely marching in the first rank? The story of Giffard from the Morkinskinna saga seems to offer the answer. Giffard fled from the battlefield but had a praise poem dedicated to him, which the (real) character aptly deciphered as derision aimed at him.
PL
Who Inspired Icelanders to Convert to Christianity? Conversion Perceived by Mediaeval AuthorsThe article not so much reconstructs actual events associated with the conversion of Icelanders to Christianity in 1000, but deals with the way in which it was depicted in successive sources spanning from Íslendingabók by Ari the Learned (1122– 1133) and Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium by Theodoricus monachus (about 1177–1188) to thirteenth-century Icelandic sagas. The prime question pertains to the role ascribed to particular participants of the events, with special emphasis on King Ólaf Tryggvason of Norway. Up to now researchers asked whether, and to what extent, a ruler who never set foot in Iceland could have influenced decisions made by Althing. In the light of comparative studies Tryggvason appears to have been the “lord of the mission” without whose participation the Christianisation of Iceland would have ended in a fiasco. At the same time, certain authors of the sources deprecated the king’s role by accusing him of cruelty.
EN
The article discusses the reception of the Platonic concept of memory of ancient deeds in twelfth-century historical writing in the ‘younger Europe’. It focuses on the myth of Atlantis, as described in the translation of Timaeus by Calcidius, illustrating the manner in which two twelfth-century chroniclers – Master Vincentius Kadłubek and Theodoricus Monachus – used the said myth as a structural basis for their accounts of the past of Poland and Norway, respectively. Both chroniclers invoke Plato’s idea of a memory of ancient past that survives through centuries without recourse to scripture and is the province not of the people whose history it concerns, but rather of one that is closely related, or, at times – of an older generation.
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