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EN
Based on case studies conducted in the greater Glasgow area, the paper focuses on the experiences of Polish Entrepreneurs in a migration context. Very little is known about Polish immigrant businesses that have been set up in Western Europe in this latest EU post-enlargement era. The aim of this paper is to examine the key factors leading to emigration, business start-ups and settlement by Polish Entrepreneurs in Scotland; including the relationship with the Polish Community. The paper proposes a new understanding of Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurship and innovative behaviour. This research highlights the importance of incremental strategies for emigration, business start-up and settlement amongst Polish Entrepreneurs in Scotland. Prior to venturing into a business start-up, most of the Polish new-born Entrepreneurs interviewed had secured a job in the UK using employment agencies from Poland. However, this employment had failed to meet their standard of living expectations. In addition, the Polish Entrepreneurs studied, unlike other Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurs, rely solely on their own savings rather than benefiting from financial resources and advice from the Polish community. The Polish community is seen as a market and Polish Entrepreneurs are able to spot opportunities within the enclave-markets. Finally, the role of the household in the decision to become self-employed will be highlighted to better understand longer-term settlement amongst Polish Entrepreneurs.
Lud
|
2006
|
vol. 90
139-154
EN
Sport is a very effective and striking phenomenon, which helps to create the impression of belonging to a certain community. Football in Scotland not only links supporters but also divides them by maintaining local disputes and aversions. It is especially visible in Glasgow, where two football clubs have been immersed in bitter rivalry since the end of the 19th century. 'Sectarianism' in Scotland is mainly based within two denominations: Catholicism and Protestantism. It appeared on a big scale during the Irish immigration to Scotland in the late 19th c. and early 20th c. In the last century football was the biggest and the longest platform of expression of 'sectarianism' in Scotland. Till 1989 Glasgow Rangers pursued the unofficial shameful policy regarding the non-employment of Catholic staff and players. Celtic Glasgow is a symbol of the Irish minority in Scotland, the means to convey Catholic religion, Irish ethnicity and republicanism. It states that the Irish community still exists and was not fully assimilated into the Scottish society. On the other hand, Glasgow Rangers has a very important British dimension. Rangers' supporters identify with historical Scottishness, which existed in the British Empire: Protestantism, Unionism and Loyalism. Rangers' colours have their origins in the British flag whereas Celtic plays in green and white hoops, has Irish shamrock in its crest and on its football grounds, one can find more Irish tricolours than Scottish flags. At the tip of the scales there are sectarian songs heard on both Parkhead and Ibrox Park. Celtic supporters are known for singing rebel songs and chanting IRA. Rangers' fans are under the scrutiny of the public because of the infamous song 'The Billy Boys', which contains the controversial line 'We're up to our necks in Fenian blood'. It is a sign of attitudinal sectarianism related to attitudes, mindsets, emotions and behaviours. It assumes a form of insults, affronts and stupid jokes. Sometimes violence may accompany it. In the last decade 7 murders were committed in regards to 'sectarianism' and football. Jack McConell, a Scottish first minister, officially states that sectarianism in Scotland still exists and the battle with it is his priority. The current governmental slogan is “One Scotland, Many Cultures”. In January 2006 McConell introduced an 18-point plan to tackle sectarianism.
EN
The article outlines the history of 'Edynburski Biuletyn Informacyjny', a news bulletin for fifty thousand Polish ex-soldiers who settled in Scotland after the Second World War. Founded in 1949, the paper was published by the Council of Polish Associations in Edinburgh, initially as a biweekly (until 1983) and after its reactivation in 1990 as a bimonthly. The author carries out a qualitative analysis of this anti-Communist paper that supported President August Zaleski after the political rift among Polish émigrés.
EN
Previous related research on teaching effectiveness in one senior level award - Higher Still Physical Education (HSPE) in Scotland - revealed a number of extended challenges in adopting the practical experiential teaching and learning approaches advised. However, these studies were restricted by lack of observation of teaching and learning in action and of detailed analysis of the types and timings of questions asked. The present study addressed these limitations. Data were collected through observations of teaching, questionnaire responses on the uses of discussions by pupils and teachers and semi-structured teacher interviews. Findings revealed that there were encouraging signs of a broad range of purposeful question techniques being used in practical sessions. However, there was still a lack of full teacher trust in these approaches, despite high pupil endorsement for their usage. We conclude that perceived subject content and external assessment demands continue to constrain pedagogical strategies in HSPE.
EN
The Douglas family gained huge importance in Scotland during the war between England and Scotland in the years 1306-1329, during the reign of Robert Bruce. The founder of its greatness was James Douglas, one of the most important military leaders in the conflict. The subject of armorial legends of Blood-red Heart and Fence are Douglas’s two chivalrous deeds. The analysis of the stories’ narration, preserved in historical works and in those from the field of heraldry (especially in John Barbour’s poem The Bruce) reveals several motifs both interesting and useful to the family. They express for instance James’s intimacy with the person of the ruler (Robert Bruce), Douglas’s knightly valour or his military cunning and skillfulness in using stratagems. With time armorial legends underwent a particular heroisation. In traditions of subsequent Douglas generations ideological content of the aforementioned motifs was visibly emphasized. However, it does not change the fact that the stories in question refer to the events which are known to us also from document sources as well as the ones not directly connected with the Scottish family. Thus Douglas armorial legends hold the collective memory of the glorious past of the family community. Preservation of these oral traditions throughout the centuries was to a large extent a result of linking them with widely spread iconographic motifs – heraldic figures of a heart and a fence. The Douglas family encoded and communicated the history of their family in the language of heraldry (Blood-red Heart), and also secondarily noticed the signs of family history on their seals and shields (Fence). The analysis of the coats of arms in question and the legends accompanying them discloses an advanced culture and historical awareness of the Scottish family.
EN
The article is a contribution to research into the history of Polish press in Great Britain. 'The Polish Exile' was published in Edinburgh from January to September 1833, initially as a biweekly and then since March as a monthly. It was published, edited and written by Polish emigres in Edinburgh who were former participants of the November Uprising: Napoleon Feliks Zaba and Piotr Falkenhagen Zaleski. The topics covered included the history and geography of Poland, reviews of Polish literature and English translations of poetry by Adam Mickiewicz, Kazimierz Brodzinski and other poets.
PL
Celem artykułu jest prezentacja kontekstu instytucjonalnego sytuacji polskich uczniów w brytyjskich szkołach, na terytorium Anglii i Szkocji. Przedstawione zostaną dane na temat liczebności polskich społeczności uczniowskich (oraz ich ograniczenia) na tle populacji szkolnych angielskiej i szkockiej. Podjęte zostaną analizy możliwych tendencji w przyszłości, na podstawie dostępnych statystycznych wskaźników. Prezentacja kontekstu instytucjonalnego obejmie również różnice w szkockim i angielskim systemie edukacji. Wyniki badań empirycznych dotyczących doświadczeń uczniów ze społeczności imigranckich zostaną uzupełnione refleksją nad wpływem, jaki mogło wywrzeć odmienne od angielskiego szkockie doświadczenie z wielokulturowością (a częściowo jego brak) na sytuację polskich uczniów w Szkocji i ich status jako mniejszościowej grupy etnicznej.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present the institutional context of the situation of Polish pupils in English and Scottish schools. The limitations of the available data on Polish communities are discussed in the context of the characteristics of school populations in England and Scotland. The potential future trends as well as the differences in the institutional settings which result from the devolution processes are also presented. Along with the results from research on the experiences of newly-arrived migrants, the article discusses the issue ofthe influence which different patterns of migration to England and Scotland in the last decades might have had on the reception of the Polish pupils in schools and their status as an ethnic minority group.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2016
|
vol. 48
|
issue 3
247 – 266
EN
In 2004 8 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia) joined the EU in an expansion popularly known as the Accession, or A8. As part of this arrangement the Slovakian Roma community settled in Govanhill, a neighbourhood in the South-Side of Glasgow, Scotland. Immediately, there was widespread outcry, followed by public debate, on the numbers involved and the impact on local services. One of the claims made was that, because of a ‘unique’ history of ‘self-isolation’, the Roma had altered local policing needs. There were widespread media anecdotes of anti-social behaviour but also racist victimization. Using material available post-A8 Govanhill, this synthesizes the debate on Roma settlement against the wider canvass of Scottish reception and assimilation of immigrants. The author claims that post-A8 phobia of the Roma is part of an unsustainable ideology of Scotland as a post-racial ‘welcoming country’ which has occluded a nuanced interrogation of the capacity of the country to welcome and successfully integrate immigrants.
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