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EN
The article treats about these issues that should be treated as a priority in the discussion on the creation of a system of regulatory impact assessment: about the problem of selection of a regulatory impact assessment method, since it is the adopted method that determines other issues, such as the shape of organizational structures responsible for its use, the professional profile of persons employed there, or the categories of cases in which the selected method may be applied. Otherwise, it may turn out that for the previously established structures, persons and matters it is impossible to select such a method of action that allows achieving the intended aim which is to perform a reliable regulatory impact assessment.
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Content available remote

Doradztwo naukowe w pracach Sejmu

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EN
The article briefl y reviews the concept of scientifi c consultancy services in the work of the Sejm. The author presents their organisation, legal basis for acquisition of expert reports and, generally, the role they play in the parliamentary decision-making process. Persons performing scientifi c consultancy services are answerable not only to those who employ them as experts, but also to the scientifi c world and society at large. Academic or research workers are always bound by ethical standards, disregarding the place where the consultancy is rendered. The purpose of appointment of experts is to provide support for the decision-maker (i.e. the legislative power) in resolving problems that are of vital interest to the nation. The Sejm has to benefi t from specialist knowledge as a result of complexity of modern life processes and a wide range of matters it has to address. Therefore, the participation of experts should ensure rationality of Sejm’s operation and minimise the risk of making wrong decisions in matters of public interest. The author presents proposals for improvement in the current practice of consultative services rendered to the Sejm along with amendments of legal provisions in this respect.
Cybersecurity and Law
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2020
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vol. 3
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issue 1
53-59
EN
The principle of non-retroactivity is not recognised by doctrine or the Constitutional Tribunal as a mandatory directive. Such a situation occurred in the case of adopting amendments to the Act of 2 March 2020, referred to as “COVID-19”. In these circumstances, a schedule of deviations from the principle of non-retroactivity was identified, and it therefore became necessary to assess the relevance of the retroactive implementation of the norms for each specific case governed by the Act under consideration. In these cases, the legislator was guided by the need to safeguard social and economic freedoms and interests.
EN
In Poland, parliament has played a signifi cant role in creating, however, this role has signifi cantly evolved along with political and constitutional transformations. Until 1926, Parliament was the primary place for lawmaking, but later part of its powers in this respect were lost. After 1926, social legislation was based on presidential regulations, and legislative proposal submitted in the Sejm had no chance of success. Although the circumstances existing in Poland in the 1930s were similar to those from the fi rst period of independence, but the actual role of parliament in creating social policy was undoubtedly smaller than in the days of the Legislative Sejm, and the Sejm and Senate of the first term.
EN
On the basis of a particular bill, the author analyses the possibility of continuing work on that bill even if the title of the act has not been approved in voting. She also examines admissibility of recognition as an amendment of a proposal having the same wording as the title rejected in the vote. In the author’s view, due to the principles of effectiveness and efficiency of legislative work and, above all, due to the lack of specific regulation in this respect, numerous issues concerning the committee stage of legislative process can be resolved in accordance with parliamentary practice, and the committee has high level of autonomy in this area. For these reasons, the author allows the possibility of submission of the above-mentioned amendments and taking a stance on them.
EN
The opinion concerns a draft resolution to amend the Standing Orders of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The principal purpose of the amendment was to abolish the requirement to seek an opinion of the minister competent for Republic of Poland’s membership in the European Union when considering matters concerning the conformity of provisions of the considered bills to the legislation of the European Union. Sponsors of the resolution justify the amendment on legal grounds, such as the need for implementation of the principle of separation of powers, and on extra‑legal grounds, such as the need for modernisation and restoration of functionality of the provision of opinions on legislative proposals. The author of the opinion challenges the arguments of the sponsors of the draft resolution, pointing out its lack of appropriate justification and possible inconsistency with the provisions of both the Constitution and the Act on the Branches of Government Administration.
EN
As a result of the adoption by the European Parliament, in 2014, of the package of new directives coordinating the procedure of public procurement granting, it was possible to consider improvements of the binding legal regulations, both with regard to their adjustment to the new directives, and with regard to the use of the experience gathered to date. Months passed since the adoption of the new directives, but no clear information was provided on the future of the public procurement law: whether comprehensive works would be taken to reconstruct the procurement system, or whether the government would focus on adding new provisions to the existing legal regulation that was not clear anyhow already. From time to time, the public opinion was informed about the works on the implementation of the new directives package. Today we know, though, that it will consist in another amendment to the public procurement law, deprived of the thorough consideration of the functioning of the procurement system.
EN
This article aims to examine to what extent the legislative process in the Japanese Diet has conformed to the majoritarian or the consensual model. The author pays attention to the constitutional determinants of the functioning of both houses of the parliament and the unwritten traditions stemming from the political culture. While such factors as the lack of the government’s direct control over the scheduling of parliamentary sessions, high autonomy of parliamentary committees, bicameralism, and limited length of parliamentary sessions compelled the ruling parties to seek consensus with the opposition, the government also possessed many instruments of imposing its will on lawmakers. This article analyses the institutional, cultural, and historical reasons for this complex situation, emphasising the evolution of the legislative practices depending on the balance of power in the Diet and the degree of governmental control over the ruling party.
EN
The author is critical on the application of Article 51 (2) of the Standing Orders of the Sejm in proceedings in relation to draft law codes and bills to amend draft law codes. He emphasizes that, despite the lack of a provision which would prevent beginning the second reading of the above‑mentioned drafts immediately after the conclusion of the first reading without referral to the committee, extended work on draft law codes and on bills to amend them are useful for the reflection on this legislation which is, in principle, extensive and complex. The author concludes that Article 51 (2) of the Rules of Parliament is contrary to the reason of the law of the proceedings carried out in accordance with a law‑code.
EN
In the author’s view, the withdrawal of a bill submitted to the Sejm by a representative of a citizens’ legislative initiative committee is possible only in the event that the agent of the committee has taken the prescribed action before the end of the second reading of the bill in the Sejm. Moreover, as the author points out, in order to prevent the emergence of doubts about the authorization of the committee’s agent, an effective statement of the withdrawal of the bill should be made in the resolution of the committee or in the written consent of a majority of its members.
PL
Celem prawodawcy jest, aby ustanowione przez niego prawo wywoływało zamierzone efekty społeczne i ekonomiczne. Istnieje niekwestionowana potrzeba ewaluacji stanowionego prawa, dokonywania rzetelnej analizy rzeczywistych efektów regulacji, choć stosunkowo niechętnie tego typu mechanizmy oceny są wdrażane przez prawodawców. Trudniejsze i bardziej dyskusyjne jest natomiast znalezienie satysfakcjonujących metod i instrumentów, za pomocą których należy prowadzić miarodajne badania efektywności regulacji prawnych. Niniejszy tekst poświęcony jest przedstawieniu pewnych rozwiązań dotyczących procedur i kryteriów w zakresie analizy skutków regulacji prawnych, modelowych warunków takiej oceny oraz przedstawienia polskiej regulacji i praktyki w tym zakresie.
EN
The obvious goal of any legislator is establishing the intended social and economic effects with the law. Therefore, there is an unquestionable need to evaluate the law, to make a thorough analysis of the actual effects of regulation, although relatively reluctantly these types of assessment mechanisms are implemented by lawmakers. However, it is much more difficult and more debatable to find satisfactory methods and instruments that should be used to conduct meaningful research into the effectiveness and efficiency of legal regulations. This text concerns some procedures and criteria in the field of analyzing the effects of legal regulations in comparative perspective and presents model conditions of such an assessment, as well as Polish regulations and practices in this area.
EN
In the opinion, selected methods of employing new technologies in the lawmaking process are presented. It is pointed that employing those technologies expedites the process and increases its transparency. Also, perspectives related to applying modern technologies are discussed and it is emphasized that, i.a., the postulate of admitting electronic signing of the citizens’ legislative initiative is well-founded and possible to implement.
EN
According to the Commission’s internal market scorecards, Poland is among the countries having highest compliance deficits in the European Union, in part due to repeated and substantial delays in implementing EU directives. Using a comprehensive database of implementing acts introduced in the Polish parliament since the country’s accession in 2004, we conduct a quantitative analysis of the timing of the governmental and parliamentary legislative processes to test whether those delays are introduced by the executive or the legislative branch. We conclude that while implementing legislation is usually enacted into law faster than ordinary legislation, it is introduced too late to permit successful implementation before applicable deadline. Indeed, most of the bills implementing EU directives are already overdue when introduced. These results suggest that the government – rather than the parliament – appears to be responsible for the delays, and that the governmental performance in this respect deteriorates rapidly (delays were smallest immediately after accession). We also find that numerous aspects of the problem – such as the role of political controversies in delaying implementing bills – require further research.
PL
W świetle tabel wyników rynku wewnętrznego Komisji Europejskiej Polska należy do krajów członkowskich o najwyższym deficycie zgodności prawa krajowego z unijnym, przede wszystkim ze względu na powtarzające się istotne opóźnienia w zakresie transpozycji dyrektyw. Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia rezultaty badań ilościowych, opartych na bazie aktów prawnych implementujących prawo UE po 2004 r i poszukuje przyczyn opóźnień, w szczególności poddając analizie, czy są one powodowane w większym stopniu przez działania władzy wykonawczej, czy ustawodawczej. Z naszych ustaleń wynika, że o ile parlamentarny proces stanowienia prawa przebiega w odniesieniu do ustaw implementacyjnych z reguły szybciej niż w odniesieniu do ustaw zwykłych, o tyle inicjacja tegoż procesu dokonuje się tak późno, że zazwyczaj nie jest już możliwe dokonanie terminowej transpozycji aktu unijnego. W istocie, większość projektów ustaw implementacyjnych wnoszonych jest do Sejmu w momencie, gdy przewidziany dla implementowanej dyrektywy termin transpozycji już upłynął. Wyniki sugerują, że to raczej rząd, a nie parlament jest odpowiedzialny za rosnące opóźnienia, jak również że skuteczność rządu w implementacji prawa UE ulega systematycznemu pogorszeniu (najmniejszeopóźnienia w transpozycji występowały bezpośrednio po akcesji). Szereg aspektów analizowanego zjawiska – jak np. rola konfliktu politycznego w generowaniu opóźnień – wymaga jednak dalszych badań.
14
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Content available

SYMBOLIC PROTECTION OF ANIMALS

70%
EN
The purpose of this article is to attempt to understand some institutions of Polish animal protection law using the concept of “symbolic legislation”. The law is symbolic when, despite apparently ordering or prohibiting certain behaviours, it does not establish effective mechanisms for enforcing these obligations. The authors on selected examples show that in the field of animal protection law, there are no such symbolic solutions. At the same time, they indicate that not all of these situations deserve a negative assessment and come to the conclusion that the “symbolism” of regulation is not always the fault of the legislator himself. The concept of symbolic legislation allows a better understanding of how a legal act can affect social reality - among others, where there is a strong need for social education, such as in the field of animal protection.
15
70%
EN
The article provides an analysis of the Standing Orders of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland concerning the functioning of subcommittees against the parliamentary practice of the seven terms of the Sejm (1991–2015). Herein, subcommittees are classifi ed based on the subject matter of their activity and tasks. The most important legal problems concerning subcommittees’ activities, resulting from parliamentary practice, are also presented, such as establishing subcommittees, electing chairpersons, the course of subcommittee sittings and dissolving subcommittees.
EN
Objectives: In accordance with the provisions of Article 10 paragraph 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the basic function of the Polish Parliament is a legislative function. However, for years in the field of law making, there have been a number of irregularities related to, among others, overly frequent changes in the legal status, the adverse treatment of public consultations, and undue haste in law making, which all translate into its low quality. Material and methods: The research was conducted using descriptive methods and – due to the legal nature of the publication – the crucial role played dogmatic method, consisting in the interpretation of legal acts and court decisions. Results: During the last parliamentary term, the state of affairs in this field has not improved, and, in many respects, the existing problems have intensified. As a consequence, the standards of the Polish law-making process have deteriorated. The Parliament has become a “manufacturer” of law by which everything can be “produced”. Conclusions: The parliamentary legislative apparatus “spits out” the laws made to order by politicians, and, then, the executive apparatus uses the laws produced in accordance with this political order without taking into account any established principles and universally accepted legislative standards in the democratic world. No one from the ruling group wants to acknowledge that such a law made to be applied on a ‘political order is merely an appearance of law’.
EN
The direct application of the constitutional provisions gives rise to many problems due to the particularities involved. These problems can be encountered not only in a judicial, but also in a managerial type of law application. Within the framework of the last model, the application of the constitutional provisions has to be considered through the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The constitutional law focuses on the institutions of the political system.It determines the structure, functions, the competencies and the relationship between them. Taking into consideration the fact that the parliament has an important influence on the functioning of governance, the issue of the direct application of constitutional provisions by that authority is taking on new significance. The issue of the application of the constitutional rules relating to the Sejm internal organisation and its political functions has to be considered as relevant. The order of the direct application of the constitution indicates not only the necessity of application of the regulations, which define its organisation, operation and the subject of activity, but also these, which express so-called principles and values. Their full normative content is generally determined in jurisdiction of Constitutional Tribunal, which in turn obliges the Sejm and its authorities to apply these regulations in a manner which takes into account the judicial acquis of this organ.
PL
Bezpośrednie stosowanie przepisów konstytucji, z uwagi na ich specyfikę, rodzi szereg problemów zarówno w sądowym jak i kierowniczym typie stosowania prawa. W ramach tego ostatniego modelu rozpatrywać należy stosowanie przepisów konstytucji przez Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Prawo konstytucyjne koncentruje się na instytucjach systemu politycznego. Określa ich strukturę, funkcje i kompetencje oraz zachodzące pomiędzy nimi relacje. Z uwagi na fakt, iż parlament posiada istotny wpływ na funkcjonowanie systemu rządów, kwestia bezpośredniego stosowania przepisów konstytucji przez ten organ nabiera zasadniczego znaczenia. Za istotną uznać należy problematykę stosowania norm konstytucyjnych odnoszących się do organizacji wewnętrznej Sejmu oraz jego ustrojowych funkcji. Nakaz bezpośredniego stosowania konstytucji oznacza konieczność stosowania nie tylko przepisów, które określają jego organizację, tryb funkcjonowania i przedmiot działania ale także tych, które wyrażają tzw. zasady i wartości. Ich pełna normatywna treść z reguły ustalana jest w orzecznictwie Trybunału Konstytucyjnego, co z kolei obliguje Sejm i jego organy do stosowania tych przepisów w sposób uwzględniający dorobek orzeczniczy tego organu.
EN
The author demonstrates the admissibility of consider a petition containing a request to refrain from work on a bill submitted to the Sejm. The suggestion contained in the petition must be interpreted as a request regarding failure to adopt a bill, its rejection by the Sejm, or withdrawal by a sponsor. The Committee on Petitions may disregard the postulate or request a rejection of a dubious bilin the course of work on the bill by another committee or during a second reading of the bill. Allowing the petition’s request is impossible after conclusion of the second reading.
EN
Compared to mainstream parties, niche parties represent a category of political parties that are said to be different in how they approach to their programme and voters. As the term 'niche' suggests, the programmes of these parties tend to be focused on issues that are either overlooked or insufficiently addressed by other political parties. The rich contemporary theoretical discussion on niche parties has noted that they focus more on defending their programme than exercising political power. This assumption, however, has not been tested on empirical data on the real activity of niche parties in the political arena. The goal of this study is to fill this gap in knowledge and verify this theoretical assumption by conducting a statistical analysis of the activities of six niche parties in selected stages of the negotiation of various bills in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic between 1996 and 2020. The analysis large confirmed the theoretical assumption we set out to test. However, the results of our analysis also reveal that there are noticeable differences in the activity of niche parties. Entrepreneurial niche parties participate in the legislative process on average less than other niche parties.
EN
The systemic transformation in Poland affected virtually all spheres of the country’s social and economic life. One of its important elements was the restitution of the local government, which was both the object and the subject of the transformation processes. Based on the analysis of statutory regulations regarding the strengthening of the position of the executive body of the municipality, the paper confirms the thesis that the municipal government was subject to system transformation and that it maintained its subjectivity in the process of introducing new systemic solutions. The analysis used the institutional and legal analysis method, as well as the comparative and behavioral method.
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