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EN
Assessment of the census routine in Cisleithania and after 1918 also in Czechoslovakia requires a comparison with census routines in neighbouring countries. Nationality assessments have been always accompanied by controversies that became a part of a political fight and their results have been often impugned. The study sums up opinions as for relevance and trustworthiness of census routines as they were demonstrated at the time of censuses and also later in journalisms and historiography. The greatest attention has been paid to a situation in Germany and Poland due to a numerous German and Polish minority in the Czechoslovak Republic and also due to the fact that in these countries it was mainly the language that was perceived as the main criterion of the nationality and the nationality did not use to be associated with the state citizenship. We can follow how, gradually, in particular historical conditions the very notion of the nationality was being changed together with criteria perceived as the background of the nationality assessment. Various controversial disproportions, as it seems, were much more evident in Poland or Germany than in Cisleithania or in the interwar Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, it has also turned out that applying of central standpoints upon the situation in much more distant regions would be always precarious, which does not concern the census category only.
EN
The article, based on fieldwork, is concerned with ethnicity and religious traditions of inhabitants of the Hunan province in Southern China. The authors distinguish two different type of Sinicization taking place in the province: voluntary Sinicization, which is due to internal migration, and extraneous Sinicization, caused by intentional activities of the government.
EN
Ethiopia has never been colonized except for a short period of Italian occupation in 1930s. It would seem that the absence of European colonialism contributed to a rather different development of nationalism due to many different historical factors and experiences. However, since 1950s, and more openly from the 1960s we can see the rise of nationalism in Ethiopia which used the same “colonial” perspectives as their other African counterparts. When civil war broke out in 1962 and Eritrea began to struggle for independence, it had a direct impact on other nationalist movements in Ethiopia itself, namely the Oromo nationalism. Moreover, in the era of decolonization, Marxism played a role of an inspirational revolutionary ideology in many corners of Africa. The same can be said about the Oromo nationalism, as it was the main bearer of Marxism which then resulted in series of uprising leading to the deposition of Haile Sellassie. Suddenly, demands on democratization, self-determination,equality, and human rights began to be articulated with the same intensity as, for instance, in Rwanda. Later on, demands on “decolonization”, i.e. dismantling of “traditional” Imperial régime formed a part of the “social revolution”. Haile Sellassie’s regime, once hailed as modernizing, began to be seen as backward and in many senses “colonizing” type of rule. It had also a direct impact on national identity and/or identities, because the nationalist movements redefined centuries long “map” of Ethiopia by giving accent to the diverse nature of Ethiopia’s population.
EN
This article highlights the contributions of Theophilus Owolabi Shobowale Benson to the making of Modern Nigeria. We argue that Benson joined hands with other nationalists to decolonise Nigeria and struggled for the establishment of a just, egal-itarian, constitutional and prosperous nation. We conclude that Benson, unlike the present crop of Nigerian politicians, did not play ethnic politics neither did he see politics as ‘pot of soup’ for exclusive personal consumption or a ladder for egocentric aggrandizement and enrichment. An ultraist per excellence with unquenchable passion for purposeful nation building and all-facet national development, Benson’s motto throughout his sojourn on Nigeria’s political scene, was “service to fatherland”. Data for the study was obtained from primary and documentary sources and subjected to internal and external criticisms as well as textual and contextual analysis.
EN
The article deals with the notion of exile and its significance in the Armenian historical and literary discourse. The exile represents in the Armenian context one of the cornerstones of Armenian ethnicity construction and it could be said without exaggeration, that Armenian history (both medieval and modern) is pervaded by this dominant or more precisely "key" theme. The exile symbolizes primarily the concept of uprootedness (exile from the country as well as the alienation from the society), which is conceived in close connection with the search for identity itself. In other words, the exile can be considered as a kind of "rite de passage" - the position on the border or "threshold" between two cultures, languages and worlds.
EN
In 1185, after a successful revolt against the Byzantine empire, the so-called second Bulgarian kingdom was established on the territory of the former province of Paradounavon/Paristrion, that had been the first area of settlement of the Bulgars who had crossed the Danube and established their state in 681, and had become a peripheral region of the Byzantine empire after the conquests of Tzimiskes and Basil II. Even before the 1185 revolt, however, Paristrion had already begun to develop an embryonal degree of self-consciousness, although not in a ‘national’ way, owing to its peculiar history and ethnic composition. During the course of the 9th–12th century it had experienced a constant influx of invaders from the north, many of whom had in the end settled, either forcibly or after reaching an agreement with the imperial authorities. Those mixobarbaroi, half-civilized barbarians (according to the Byzantine point of view) had gradually integrated with the local population, made of Bulgarians, Vlachs, and Byzantine soldiers, settlers and administrators coming from the various provinces of the empire. When the military presence on the Danube was strong the region prospered economically, and became integrated in a vast trade network managed by Cuman and Rus’ traders and raiders; but during the 12th century the empire gradually withdrew its troops and its interest in Paristion, and this relative prosperity began to diminish. Coupled with the remembrance, in popular traditions, of the past glory and abundance of the first Bulgarian empire, and with the increasing fiscal burden that oppressed the local traders, the Paristrians gradually became convinced that their future prosperity, much like at the time of the first Bulgarian kingdom, was in their independence from the empire. Once again, this peripheral region began the centre of an independent polity that traced its roots in the past Bulgarian kingdom, but exhibited also some radically different traits.
EN
Massih Zekavat (2017). Satire, Humor, and the Construction of Identities. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 210 pp.
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