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EN
The Arab Spring has led to a number of political changes in many states of North Africa and the Middle East. Elsewhere, it has led to internal conflicts and mass protests. It has triggered transformations, which all autocratic leaders in the Arab world should fear, as well as witnessed international rivalry for power. Saudi Arabia is one of the clearest examples of this. It might seem that this conservative, absolute monarchy is particularly susceptible to the radical protests of crowds demanding political changes. Simultaneously the state, which aims to play the role of a regional power, competing for this position against Iran, has had to take a stance and engage in the events in the region. Pacifying internal protests, Saudi Arabia resisted the Arab Spring on its territory. By contrast, beyond its borders it has supported either the protesters or ruling regimes depending on its current political interests. These interests are dictated by the rivalry against Iran, and rely on defending its spheres of influence (Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia) while displacing Iranian ones (Syria, Yemen).
PL
Arabska Wiosna spowodowała szereg przemian politycznych w wielu państwach Afryki Północnej i Bliskiego Wschodu. W innych doprowadziła do wewnętrznych konfliktów i masowych protestów. Stała się impulsem do zmian, których powinni obawiać się wszyscy autorytarni przywódcy świata arabskiego, jak również areną ścierania się międzynarodowych interesów. Szczególnie wyraźne jest to na przykładzie Arabii Saudyjskiej. Wydawać by się mogło, że właśnie ta konserwatywna monarchia absolutna jest narażona na gwałtowane protesty i wystąpienia tłumów, domagających się przemian. Jednocześnie państwo, chcące odgrywać rolę mocarstwa regionalnego i rywalizujące o nią z Iranem, musiało ustosunkować i zaangażować się w wydarzenia zachodzące w regionie. Arabia Saudyjska, tłumiąc wewnętrzne protesty, oparła się arabskiej wiośnie na swoim terytorium. Z kolei poza swoimi granicami wspierała (wspiera) bądź to protestujących, bądź panujący reżim, uzależniając swoje poparcie i działania od bieżących celów politycznych. Te z kolei dyktowane są rywalizacją z Iranem i polegają na obronie własnych sfer wpływu (Bahrajn, Egipt, Jordania, Tunezja) i wypieraniu z regionu Iranu (Syria, Jemen).
EN
This paper identified attitudes toward CALL of students studying English as a foreign language (EFL) at industrial colleges in Saudi Arabia. Seventy students who were enrolled in the orientation year of an English program were chosen to participate in this study by expressing their attitudes toward CALL. Standardized and local instruments were used along with interviews and observation techniques to collect data. The results of the study revealed that students had positive attitudes toward CALL. Looking at the daily hours students spend using a computer, a slight correlation was found between this variable and the students’ attitudes toward CALL. Other variables, such as students’ background knowledge of English, ownership of a computer, and their computer knowledge, were found to be irrelevant to their attitudes toward CALL. These results were in line with previous research conducted by Al-Shammari (2007), Alrumaih (2004), and Almekhlafi (2006). The results reinforced conclusions about CALL revealed by researchers, such as Chen (2003), Chikamatsu (2003), Egbert (2005) and Levy (2005), who found that it helps students learn better and more independently, and gives them the ability to have more control of their learning and to have more opportunities to practice English.
EN
Objectives: The aim of this study was to assess patient-dentist communication and to evaluate the factors affecting it among Saudi patients and its effect on satisfaction. Materials and Methods: A self-administered questionnaire was designed for this survey with 5-scale Likert-type statements. Results: Patients’ main concern was the courtesy followed by information interaction, moral support, explaining the procedure and understanding of the patient’s feelings. These were the factors that contributed positively to good communication and satisfaction. Conclusion: It could be concluded that Saudi dentist possess a satisfactory ability to communicate with their patients.
PL
Region Bliskiego Wschodu, jest miejscem gdzie ciągle występują napięcia i konflikty. Jest to także miejsce gdzie wydobywa się ogromne ilości surowców energetycznych. Dzięki ich eksportowi część bliskowschodnich państw dysponuje niemalże nieograniczonymi środkami finansowymi. Jednym z nich jest Królestwo Arabii Saudyjskiej - największy eksporter ropy naftowej na świecie. Ogromne zasoby finansowe, potencjał geograficzny oraz opieka nad najświętszymi miejscami dla muzułmanów - meczetami w Mekce i Medynie, dają Arabii Saudyjskiej możliwość aktywnego udziału w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Rijad największe zainteresowanie przejawia w swoim najbliższym sąsiedztwie gdzie stara się integrować sunnickie monarchie Zatoki Perskiej. Równie ważne dla Saudów jest rozwijanie współpracy z państwami arabskimi. Osobnym polem zainteresowań są niearabskie państwa muzułmańskie. Niejako z boku, Arabia Saudyjska układa sobie stosunki z mocarstwami. Tu od wielu lat Rijad blisko współpracuje ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Choć w ostatnich latach zauważalna jest erozja we wzajemnych relacjach. Przez to rodzina królewska poszukuje nowych partnerów zagranicznych, którzy mogą wypełnić ewentualna lukę po Waszyngtonie. W poniższym artykule podjęta zostanie próba analizy saudyjskiej polityki zagranicznej. Ukazane zostaną główne założenia i cele polityki prowadzonej przez Rijad, a także jej skutki. Szczególny nacisk zostanie położony na stosunek saudyjskiej monarchii do wydarzeń znanych jako Arabska Wiosna. Wynika to z faktu, że podczas jej trwania dyplomacja Arabii Saudyjskiej zintensyfikowała swoje prace i królestwo stało się bardzo aktywnym graczem na arenie międzynarodowej. Mimo, że od jej rozpoczęcia minęły już cztery lata, to Arabska Wiosna wywiera w dalszym ciągu przemożny wpływ na saudyjską politykę zagraniczną. I jej skutki zauważalne są do dzisiaj
EN
This article presents the foreign policy of the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Saudi foreign policy is described in the form of four circles. The first is the Gulf states. The next circle is the Arab states. In the third circle are Islamic states. The last is overbooked for relations with world powers. Saudi Arabia leads a very active foreign policy. There is no conflict in the Middle East, in which Saudis are not in any way involved. The main objective of the action is to limit the influence of Iran, which is seen by Riyadh as the greatest threat. In addition, Saudi Arabia aspires to a leadership role in the Middle East. The article discusses the main directions of Saudi foreign policy. It also presents the effects, which are not always beneficial to Saudi Arabia.
EN
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has defined priorities of its foreign policy in the form of circles. These determinants are geographical, historical, religious, and economic. Saudi targets are calculated for many years ahead. Their main aim is to become a leader in the Arab and Islamic world. As soon as Saudi Arabia gain a strong legitimacy, will it be one of the most important representatives of the Islamic World on the worlds political agenda. The intention of the author is to show these circles, as well as the presentation of the activities of Riyadh within them.
EN
The paper contends that the English Language Education Policies (ELEP) of a state depend largely on its movement in Wallerstein’s world system. To test the hypothesis, ELEPs of China and Saudi Arabia are compared and found to be similar due to the states’ parallel journey in the world system.
EN
The article presents an analysis of the Fiscal Balance Program, which has been implemented in Saudi Arabia since the beginning of 2017. The text discusses budget data from recent years and budget assumptions for 2018, and then assesses the extent to which they have a chance of implementation. The second part of the article describes political threats. The conclusion of the article emphasized that economic assumptions are difficult to achieve, but possible, however, one should take into account the delay in their implementation. The real challenge for implementing the plan to heal the finances of the state will be the inevitably impending moment of change on the throne, when internal problems can lead to uncontrolled changes, and external competitors may try to take advantage of this crucial moment.
EN
Saudi Arabia’s economy is based on oil over the decades. The sudden drop in prices meant that Riyadh had to implement a program of economic transformation. Aim of the article is to outline ecnomic programs implemented in the Kingdon with the Saudi Vision 2030. It is a program of economic transformation of the kingdom. The text also raises the issues of the historical development programs that were implemented in the Saudi’s kingdom.
EN
Fast developments in the food retailing industry have led to growth of shopping malls, particularly in the large cities of Saudi Arabia. The purpose of this study is to compare men and women for differences in mall shopping. Using empirical research, this paper examines differences between the genders associated with mall patronage. Based on a survey of 513 shoppers across Saudi Arabia, the study finds significant differences in shopping behaviour. The paper discusses the findings and makes recommendations to mall operators
EN
This paper attempts to present Sino-Mideast relations in terms of economic interdependence theory. In the 21st century, the People’s Republic of China has become a major player in the Middle East. The foundation for China-Saudi cooperation is energy: Saudi Arabia is the world’s largest oil exporter and China the world’s largest oil importer. Moreover, China perceives Saudi Arabia as a reliable source of oil and, as a consequence, the energy cooperation between the two countries has resulted In significant economic and trade cooperation. However, due to its friendly economic and strategic partnership with Iran – Saudi Arabia’s enemy – China is walking a political tightrope in the Middle East while trying to ensure the diversification of its energy sources. The paper argues that China’s military does not have close relations with Saudi Arabia’s armed forces; the Kingdom relies al most entirely on arms imported from the USA. Both China and the USA want to preserve Saudi Arabia’s security and stability. Thus, China’s engagement in the Middle East has not been seen as undermining the United States’ interests in the region. On the contrary, Sino-Mideast relations appear to be dependent upon US involvement. It is unlikely that in the immediate future China and the United States will actively compete against each other in the Middle East although this cannot be ruled out in the coming decades. Meanwhile, China continues to skilfully propagate its national interest in the region.
EN
Marine goods found in the oasis of Taymāʾ (Northwest Arabia), 300 km away from the nearest coast of the Red Sea, illustrate the economic importance and prosperity of the site. Excavations of the Saudi-German collaborative project revealed 631 marine specimens of 5 animal classes: coral, gastropods, bivalves, scaphopods and fish. The finds origin from various contexts (burial ground, public buildings, private houses and agricultural areas) and encompass occupation periods from the 3rd millennium BC to the 7th century AD onwards with an increased incidence of shell artefacts from the 11th to the 9th century AD. Variety and quantity of these goods within specific contexts urge new reflections on utilisation, commerce and transport.
EN
Challenged economically, politically, socially, ideologically and geopolitically, Saudi Arabia is confronting the perfect storm. How it weathers the storm will depend on how it handles the two most existential threats it faces: the rivalry with Iran for hegemony in the Middle East and North Africa (a battle it ultimately will lose), and the inevitable restructuring of the increasingly problematic marriage between the House o f Saud and the Wahhabi clergy, proponents of a puritan interpretation o f Islam on whom the ruling Al Saud family rely for their legitimacy.
EN
This paper presents findings from a qualitative study that investigated seven female Saudi Arabian students of the University of Liverpool’s online Masters programmes. Qualitative, first-person research methods and hermeneutic phenomenology were chosen for the analysis and interpretation of transcripts (Langeveld, 1983; van Manen, 1997; Creswell, 2007, Roth, 2012). The principles of cultural anthropology (Hall & du Gay, 1996; Hannerz, 1992; Lull, 2001; Coleman, 2010) were used to take a snapshot of the interviewees’ particular world to provide an overview of the Saudi Arabian culture where the role of women is at the centre of academic, political, religious and social debate These findings reflect the participants’ everyday lives, identities, values and beliefs, presented in a self-reflective, personal ‘life-world’ story of one single Saudi Arabian woman. The findings demonstrate that the primary motivators in choosing online international education to further study are existing limitations of travelling to a university campus and customary gender-segregated education in Saudi Arabia. As a contrast, international online education offers the opportunity to gain up-to-date research-based knowledge in their chosen profession, learn critical thinking and problem solving skills and communicate with male and female students from different cultures.
EN
The paper presents the phenomenon of television station Al-Jazeera, which was founded in 1996 in Qatar by Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thaniani. Al-Jazeera distinguishes itself among other Arab media due to the raised issues, breaking the existing taboos in the Muslim world. However, it is not entirely free medium because of being financed by the ruler of Qatar and will never dare to criticize the Emir policy. The station, which broadcasts also in English, today is one of the most influential media not only among Arab countries, but also worldwide.
EN
The archaeological site of Aynuna, located in northern-western Saudi Arabia, is believed to be the ancient Leuke Kome, a port linked by a caravan route with the Nabatean capital Petra. Architectural remains suggest that it may be identified as an emporion – a trading outpost receiving freight from foreign lands to be transmitted further north. Archaeological excavations conducted by the Saudi-Polish Archaeological Mission have revealed the existence of multiple burials, not only within the cemeteries, but also in the buildings dated from the first to the seven centuries AC(AD?). Preliminary works at the necropoleis have proved rather uninformative due to most of the tombs being ransacked and burials almost completely destroyed. Although Necropoleis 1 and 2 exhibit some internal uniformity when it comes to the architectural outline of the tombs, the two cemeteries show no mutual similarities, which may indicate different dating or cultural affinity. Meanwhile, better preserved human remains from within the buildings can probably be dated to the early Islamic period. Two large stone cairns, containing three burials, were erected in the middle of the courtyard of Khan no. 1. However, most of the burials were interred directly on the walking level in Khans nos. 1, 4, and 5, and covered with stone rubble. While three out of four burials were extended on the back, facing south-east and provided with some kind of stone installation to protect the body, the fourth, belonging to a pregnant woman, was found lying face down, calling into question the intentionality of the burial.
EN
BackgroundPhysical therapists are known to be susceptible to work-related musculoskeletal disorders (WMSDs), but the prevalence of WMSDs in Saudi Arabia has not been documented. This study aimed to establish the prevalence, characteristics, and risk factors of WMSDs among physical therapists in Saudi Arabia.Material and MethodsA cross-sectional study was conducted among 113 physical therapists in Saudi Arabia using a 6-component questionnaire. Descriptive statistics, incidence, percentages, and χ2 test were used for data analysis.ResultsThe response rate was 68.8%. The reported 12-month incidence of WMSDs was 83.8%. The low back (63.7%) was the most common site of these disorders, followed by the neck (59.2%), while the hip/thigh (4.4%) was the least involved body part. Incidence was related to gender: females were more affected than males (neck, shoulders, low back); age: younger therapists were more affected than older ones (shoulders, low back); working sector: government sector workers were more affected than those employed in other sectors (neck); and specialty: orthopedic specialists were the most frequently affected, followed by those specializing in neurology (thumbs, upper back, knees, ankle/foot). Most of the physical therapists had >5 periods of neck, shoulder, and low-back WMSDs. The most important risk factor for WMSDs was treating more patients in a day (47.7%). The most frequently adopted handling strategy identified to combat WMSDS was modifying the patient’s position (62.8%).ConclusionsOverall, WMSDs among physical therapists in Saudi Arabia are common, with the low back and the neck constituting the most frequently affected body regions. Professional experience and the awareness of ergonomics principles can help prevent the early development of WMSDs among physical therapists. Med Pr. 2021;72(4):363–73
EN
The paper aims at presenting the Egypt’s foreign policy from 1979 in terms of stability and change (regarding relations with the United States, Israel, Egypt’s southern neighbours, and the Gulf states, especially Saudi Arabia). The main thesis of this article is the assertion that the foreign policy of Egypt remains stable, despite internal political turbulences and dismissal of Muhammad Husni Mubarak in 2011.
PL
Celem badawczym niniejszego artykułu jest dokonanie analizy determinant, które sprawia­ją, że Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku posiada i w perspektywie co naj­mniej średnioterminowej utrzyma pozycję mocarstwa regionalnego. Celem jest również analiza potencjalnej efektywności reform, które wprowadzają władze w Rijadzie, na rzecz zbudowa­nia nowego, zmodyfikowanego wizerunku feudalnej monarchii, jaką jest Arabia Saudyjska, na rzecz reformującej się i oświeconej monarchii (aczkolwiek permanentnie absolutnej). Hipoteza postawiona w niniejszym artykule, brzmi następująco: Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej de­kady XXI wieku to mocarstwo regionalne i reformująca się monarchia absolutna, która poprzez wprowadzane reformy w sferach ekonomicznej, politycznej i społecznej zmierza do zbudowa­nia nowego pozytywnego i przyjaznego wizerunku królestwa. Reformy faktycznie zachodzą jednak tylko w płaszczyźnie ekonomicznej, co wynika z faktu, iż nie godzi to w podstawy prawa szariatu i zasady wahabizmu. W płaszczyznach politycznej i społecznej, reformy mają tylko charakter fasadowy. Metody wykorzystane w artykule to analiza treści, analiza systemo­wa, jak również metoda komparatywna. Dokonane ustalenia: hipoteza postawiona na wstępie została pozytywnie zweryfikowana. Arabia Saudyjska u schyłku drugiej dekady XXI wieku to mocarstwo regionalne i reformująca się monarchia absolutna, która poprzez wprowadzane re­formy zmierza do zbudowania nowego pozytywnego i przyjaznego wizerunku w społeczności międzynarodowej. Reformy w ramach Vision 2030 są rewolucyjne, ale faktycznie dokonują się tylko w sferze ekonomii. W płaszczyznach politycznej i społecznej – zwłaszcza w materii przyznawania Saudyjkom kolejnych przywilejów i praw – mimo iż są niezwykle istotne, a na­wet przełomowe i należy docenić sam fakt ich zaistnienia, to jednak mają charakter fasadowy i jedynie wizerunkowy, a ich implementacja napotyka nie tylko na opór części elit politycznych, radykalnych duchownych, ale również saudyjskiego społeczeństwa mentalnie nieprzygotowa­nego do takich zmian.
EN
The research objective of this paper is an analysis of the determining factors which allow Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century to hold the position of a regional power and to maintain it at least in the medium-term perspective. This paper also aims at an analysis of the potential effectiveness of the reforms which have been implemented by the authorities in Riyadh in order to build a new, modified image of the feudal monarchy – Saudi Arabia as an enlightened (but permanently absolute) monarchy undergoing reforms. The hypothesis formed in this paper is as follows: Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom by way of reforms introduced in the economic, political and social spheres. The reforms, however, actually take place only at the economic level, which results from the fact that they do not undermine the foundations of the sharia law and the doctrine of Wahhabism. In the political and social spheres the reforms are just a façade. The methods used in this paper include: content analysis, systemic analysis and comparative method. The findings: the hypothesis posed above has been verified positively. Saudi Arabia at the end of the second decade of the 21st century is a regional power and an absolute monarchy undergoing reforms, which intends to build a new, positive and friendly image of the kingdom in the international community through introduction of reforms. The reforms undertaken within the framework of the Vision 2030 initiative are revolutionary, but actually they take place only in the economic sphere. However, in the political and social spheres – especially as regards granting further privileges and rights to Saudi women – although they are extremely important and even of breakthrough character and the very fact of their existence should be recognised, in reality they are only a façade and their implementation meets resistance not only from a part of political elites and radical clergy but also from the society itself, which is not mentally prepared for such changes.
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