Search results

1

Understanding civic engagement among young Roma and young Turkish people in Turkey

100%

Ataman A., Çok F., Şener T.

Human Affairs

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2012

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vol. 22

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issue 3

419-433

EN

Although a number of aspects of earlier experiences correlate with later civic engagement (Sherrod 2007), the role of different factors in driving the level of young people’s engagement is not clearly understood. This qualitative study set out to understand those factors in Turkey. Eight focus groups were conducted with 55 young Roma and Turkish people, with different groups being conducted according to participants’ ethnicity, gender and age (16–18 year olds vs. 20–26 year olds). Analysis revealed specific themes in terms of the political and civic engagement of different sub-groups. However, almost all participants expressed that they did not have enough information about their rights and obligations as citizens. They also identified the different barriers which they perceived as impeding their political involvement and participation.

2

Europeanness Among Polish Civil Society Activists

100%

Alber-Armenat I.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 49

71-85

EN

The European discourse is not only a powerful idea at the structural societal level, it is also pragmatically used, re‑produced and transformed through the everyday actions of people with specific biographies.1 In this paper, I would like to address the question how Europeanness – i.e. relating to Europe and/or being European – develops during one’s life course. I propose a qualitative sociological approach and the methodology of discourse research2 and biographical analysis. 3 The empirical cases to be discussed are social actors who perceive themselves to be civil society activists. As such, they are actively involved in the public arena, thereby contributing to the development of public and media discourses. They talk about Europe from the perspective of specific biographies that have to be reconstructed if we are to understand the genesis of their Europeanness. In analysing the biographies of civil society activists in post‑socialist Poland, two ideal types could be reconstructed that apply to both the activity and the Europeanness: a) a pragmatic, skill and qualification‑related type and b) an idealistic, empowerment and emancipation‑related type. In order to discuss these two types, I shall first outline the methodology applied and the empirical material. I will then focus on the narratives, using the framework of biographical and discourse analysis in the sociology of knowledge tradition. My conclusion summarises the biographical development of Europeanness of Polish civil society activists.

3

Civic Engagement of Higher Education Students in a Central and Eastern European Region

100%

Bocsi V., Fényes H., Markos V.

The New Educational Review

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2020

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vol. 62

80-90

EN

The aim of the study is to provide an overview of higher education students’ volunteering and voluntary group membership based on a database (N=2,199), in which full-time students from five Central-Eastern European countries (Hungary, Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, and Ukraine) were questioned. We analyzed as well, which variables influence civic engagement. Based on the results we suggest that universities in Central-Eastern European regions should make more use of students’ potential in the field of volunteering and organizational membership, and should do so in an organized way, with special attention to the groups, which display low civic participation according to our research findings.

4

Vliv vzdělání a životní spokojenosti na angažovanost obyvatel Česka

88%

Osoba P.

Naše společnost (Our Society)

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2017

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vol. 15

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issue 2

15-30

EN

The general aim of the article is to assess the ways residents of Czechia engage in particular types of action in public interest (including attending a public hearing on a local issue, volunteering, donating or signing a petition) and in such action generally. A literature review concludes that the terms engagement and participation tend to be seen as synonymous. In the theory section, predictors of engagement are discussed, amongst which most authors treat education as central. This gives rise to my first hypothesis (H1): Individuals’ civic engagement will be positively influenced by their educational attainment. In contrast, since have been no detailed studies of the relationship between life satisfaction and engagement in Czechia thus far, I formulate H2: There is a relationship between individuals’ life satisfaction and their civic engagement, with more engaged citizens being more satisfied. Secondary analysis of an archived dataset was conducted. The survey took place in February 2014 using face-to-face interviews with Czech citizens aged 18–64 years, who were selected using quota sampling. In addition to region of residence, quotas for age, gender and municipality size were applied. 1903 respondents in compliance with the quotas were invited and 1327 valid interviews were conducted, with a response rate of 70%. Over the past five years, 61% of the respondents engaged in at least one of the actions studied. The highest number of respondents, 45%, donated money; 27% signed a petition; and 25% attended a public hearing. A chi square test revealed that general engagement varied with educational attainment (χ2 = 48.8; df = 5), age, type of economic activity, socioeconomic status, and municipality size. Respondent’s educational attainment is the main differentiating factor of both self-declared general engagement and participation in the different actions studied (H1 confirmed). In particular, college graduates are significantly more engaged than individuals with primary education or secondary education without GCSE. Age is another apparent differentiating factor, whereas respondents in their thirties are significantly more engaged than young people under 24. Mean values of the self-reporting scales indicate that engaged respondents are more satisfied (average satisfaction of 7.3 on a 10-point scale), namely those who reported having taken at least one action in public interest over the past five years. Average satisfaction among those not engaged was 7.1. Although the difference is statistically significant (using a two-sample t-test), basically confirming H2, it cannot be deemed substantive. When respondents were categorized as “dissatisfied” (1–4 points), “neutral” (5–6) and “satisfied” (7–10 points), 50% of the former were engaged, compared to 63% of the latter. Using three-way tables, the effects of the third variables on the relationship were tested, but none of the control variables significantly intervened in the relationship. The differences in satisfaction were larger when looking at the particular actions separately. “Satisfied” respondents were the most likely to engage in all actions except demonstrating or ones categorized as other. The fact that less satisfied individuals were more likely to take action expressing their disagreement (to attend a demonstration) can be viewed as attesting the effect of life satisfaction on civic engagement. Thus, satisfaction positively influenced engagement in “positively” oriented action.

5

Does a Democratic Rule of Law Create Opportunity for Civic Engagement?

88%

Sawicka J.

Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne studia nad prawem

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2019

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vol. 11

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issue 1

150-163

EN

The aim of the article is to outline the relationship between the rule of law and civic engagement in the public sphere and to attempt to answer the question whether the rule of law can be an effective tool in preventing the transformation of democracy in a tyranny of the majority; whether it can also create optimal conditions for democracy to develop. In other words, does the rule of law serve democracy and political engagement or does it rather limit the spontaneity of civic activity because stability cannot be reconciled with the freedom of citizens? The current “juridification” of the public domain (the expansion of law into various areas of social existence) marginalises the validity and scope of civic presence in the decision-making process in the name of law-abidingness and the neutrality of instruments of control and of choices made by the ruling power. Can the effective solution to this situation be the opening of the concept of the rule of law to the idea of political nature and the expansion of the domain of grassroots participation?

6

New media, NGOs and civic engagement: Qualitative research in the borderland between the “offline” and “online” worlds

88%

Petrjánošová M., Lášticová B.

Human Affairs

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2015

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vol. 25

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issue 2

238-248

EN

The paper addresses the question of how to explore Slovak NGO use of new media to foster civic engagement. We argue that it is not possible to focus solely on the NGOs’ online communication; that would make sense only in the context of the overall communication. Hence, this paper deals with the borderlands between online and offline communication. It focuses on five main theoretical and methodological challenges: the fact that the existing body of research focuses on peak periods of public unrest, the predominance of an etic perspective, the predominance of quantitative studies, the blending of activities done on- and offline, and the complex, changing nature of the object of research. We sketch out several analytical strategies, focusing on qualitative approach and emic perspective

7

Internauci o polityce europejskiej. Analiza porównawcza dyskusji na forum Debate Europe

88%

Winiarska-Brodowska M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 3(25)

465-479

EN

European citizenship has introduced a new quality into political communication in the European Union. EU citizens exercise rights such as freedom of expression and participation in the democratic life of the Union. The Debate Europe forum is an example of European platform of exchange of ideas. Content analysis of posts in Polish and English enabled to give an answer to questions about the level of engagement of actors of the communication process, dialog, rationality of debate and the influence of political culture on discussions.

8

Youth civic and political participation through the lens of gender: The Italian case

88%

Albanesi C., Zani B., Cicognani E.

Human Affairs

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2012

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vol. 22

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issue 3

360-374

EN

Italy is one of the European countries with the highest levels of gender inequalities (World Economic Forum 2011). The aims of this paper were to understand to what extent the well-documented gender gap in Italian adult society has an impact on both political and civic actions of younger generations, and whether the process of participation assumes specific features according to gender. 835 Italian participants (49.6% males; 50.4% female, aged from 16 to 26 years old; 20% under voting age) completed a self-administered questionnaire. Analyses confirmed general trends (voting at elections is the most frequently performed political action among Italian youth) and showed the existence of a small gender gap (a major orientation of young women toward civic action, while young men are more engaged in manifest political participation). The results confirmed that family cultural capital and normative support are significant predictors of political participation, in particular for girls and young women.

9

Civil Society in China in the Eyes of a Polish Researcher of Civil Society

75%

Kościański A.

Polish Sociological Review

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2009

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vol. 167

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issue 3

445-460

EN

This article is situated in the humanistic sociology and social anthropology approach. In this approach, civil society is viewed as a society’s style of culture with respect to individual participation in group life based on common moral order. Its objective is to try to determine the extent to which western conceptions of civil society can be transferred to Chinese culture. It also strives to reconstruct civil behaviour patterns in China from a historical perspective. The basic tenet of this article is that, in the course of its evolution, Chinese culture developed various motivation and action patterns which may be the beginnings of a civil engagement. It is possible to formulate such a tenet on the assumption that civil society in contemporary China is largely based on tradition. It is tradition which defines the forms of non-institutional, self-organizing “second society.” One of the consequences of the adoption of this tenet is this article’s focus on analysis of the barriers against, and opportunities for, further development of civil society in contemporary China.

10

Political participation and civic engagement: Towards a new typology

75%

Ekman J., Amnå E.

Human Affairs

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2012

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vol. 22

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issue 3

283-300

EN

Reviewing the literature on political participation and civic engagement, the article offers a critical examination of different conceptual frameworks. Drawing on previous definitions and operationalisations, a new typology for political participation and civic engagement is developed, highlighting the multidimensionality of both concepts. In particular, it makes a clear distinction between manifest “political participation” (including formal political behaviour as well as protest or extra-parliamentary political action) and less direct or “latent” forms of participation, conceptualized here as “civic engagement” and “social involvement”. The article argues that the notion of “latent” forms of participation is crucial to understand new forms of political behaviour and the prospects for political participation in different countries. Due to these innovations it contributes to a much-needed theoretical development within the literature on political participation and citizen engagement.

11

Citizenship as given or taken? Meanings and practices among majority and minority youth

75%

Petrovičová Z., Šerek J., Porubanová M., Macek P.

Human Affairs

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2012

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vol. 22

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issue 3

335-344

EN

Present study sheds more light on the conceptualization of citizenship and civic engagement among majority and minority youth. In order to understand the meanings of citizenship, fourteen focus groups were conducted with young people aged 16–26, with both civically engaged and disengaged young ethnic Czechs, Roma, and Ukrainians. Results suggest that young people understand the citizenship as having multiple dimensions (legal and personal, and in terms of rights and responsibilities) and civic engagement as being focused on various aspects. The way people described their position within society was influenced by the social background and mirrored in the views on full citizenship.

12

Weak Civic Engagement? Post-Communist Participation and Democratic Consolidation

75%

Pietrzyk-Reeves D.

Polish Sociological Review

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2008

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vol. 161

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issue 1

73-88

EN

The aim of this article is to analyze the problem of civic and political participation in the postcommunist context from the perspective of contemporary democratic theory, the concept of democratic consolidation, and the thesis of the “weakness of civil society in post-communist countries.” It argues that the institutional approach to democratization and participation does not provide a full answer to the question of how democratic systems become consolidated and thus it needs to be supplemented by the cultural approach. The analysis of the patterns of democratic participation in post-communist countries, however, is further complicated by their background conditions, the burden of the communist past, and the model of democratization that they have undergone. Although it seems that a participatory, civil-society centred type of democratic politics would revitalize and strengthen democracy in post-communist countries, two questions-addressed in this article-arise. First, whether contemporary democratic theories shed enough light on the processes involved when it comes to a democratic change and democratic consolidation in the post-communist context, and second, whether a weak civic sphere is a major impediment to the development of a truly democratic system.

13

Sociální média jako nová výzva pro výzkum politické participace

75%

Švelch J., Vochocová L.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2015

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vol. 51

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issue 1

65-88

EN

This article aims to synthesise existing theoretical and empirical work on political participation in social media, a topic especially relevant but still under-researched in post-transformation countries such as the Czech Republic. It argues for encouraging productive dialogue between the political science approach to participation research and the work in media and communication studies. First, the article sums up normative and theoretical standpoints taken when discussing and researching new media, society, and participation. It then reviews existing empirical findings from various countries. It concludes that there is no consensus on either the positive or negative effects that social media have on the extent to which people participate in political life. A possible reason for this lack of consensus is that theories of online political participation are underdeveloped. Any such theories should take into account the unique affordances of social media and the resulting social dynamics of their use.

14

What Do Citizens Do? Immigrants, Acts of Citizenship and State Expectations in New York and Berlin

75%

Harper R. A.

Central and Eastern European Migration Review

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2023

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vol. 12

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issue 1

81-102

EN

Governments make assumptions about immigrants and then craft policies based on those assumptions to yield what they hope will be effective naturalisation outcomes: state security and trustworthy citizens. This study examines the thoughts, experiences and opinions about citizenship and civic engagement, drawing on a dataset of 150 one-hour interviews with permanent residents and naturalised citizens in New York and Berlin in 2004–2010 and again 2016–2020. It includes those who have naturalised or hold immigration statuses necessary for naturalisation (i.e., those who can and will naturalise, those who can but will not naturalise and those rejected for naturalisation or who do not meet eligibility requirements). I explore how immigrants participate as citizens and privileged non-citizens. My findings include the fact that immigrants define civic engagement – what ‘citizen’ participation means and who participates – more broadly and narrowly than anticipated. Immigrant perceptions of naturalisation and what becoming a citizen meant to them, and how naturalisation personally affected modes of participation. Defensive citizenship stimulated naturalisation but was deemed insufficient in contemporary New York and Berlin to protect immigrants and their engagement. State-designed naturalisation processes ignore immigrants’ perspectives and performative modes of citizenship and, thus, ineffectively select the citizens states say they want.

15

Czy demokratyczne rządy prawa stwarzają warunki możliwości dla obywatelskiego zaangażowania?

63%

Sawicka J.

Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne studia nad prawem

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2019

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vol. 11

|

issue 1

134-149

EN

The aim of the article is to outline the relationship between the rule of law and civic engagement in the public sphere and to attempt to answer the question whether the rule of law can be an effective tool in preventing the transformation of democracy in a tyranny of the majority; whether it can also create optimal conditions for democracy to develop. In other words, does the rule of law serve democracy and political engagement or does it rather limit the spontaneity of civic activity because stability cannot be reconciled with the freedom of citizens? The current ‘juridification’ of the public domain (the expansion of law into various areas of social existence) marginalises the validity and scope of civic presence in the decision-making process in the name of law-abidingness and the neutrality of instruments of control and of choices made by the ruling power. Can the effective solution to this situation be the opening of the concept of the rule of law to the idea of political nature and the expansion of the domain of grassroots participation?

PL

Celem artykułu jest zarysowanie relacji zachodzącej między rządami prawa a obywatelskim zaangażowaniem w sferę publiczną oraz próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy rządy prawa (the rule of law) mogą stanowić skuteczne narzędzie zapobiegające transformacji demokracji w tyranię większości; czy mogą również stanowić optymalne warunki możliwości dla demokracji. Innymi słowy, czy rządy prawa służą demokracji i politycznemu zaangażowaniu, czy raczej ograniczają spontaniczność obywatelskiego działania, ponieważ nie można pogodzić stabilności z wolnością obywateli? Obecna jurydyzacja sfery publicznej (ekspansja prawa w różne dziedziny społecznej egzystencji) marginalizuje ważność i zakres obywatelskiej obecności w procesie decyzyjnym w imię praworządności i neutralności instrumentów kontroli oraz dokonywanych przez władzę wyborów. Czy zatem skutecznym wyjściem z tej sytuacji może okazać się otwarcie koncepcji rządów prawa na ideę polityczności i poszerzenie przestrzeni oddolnej partycypacji?

16

Społeczeństwo obywatelskie w Republice Estonii

63%

Kwak K.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2023

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issue 4(74)

229-242

PL

W Estonii obserwuje się zauważalny rozwój społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, do czego przyczyniło się również jej przyjęcie do UE. Po uzyskaniu przez Republikę Estońską niezawisłości w 1991 r. organizacje społeczne były słabe, a brak zaufania do nich to m. in. następstwo okresu sowieckiego i rozczarowania rezultatami transformacji. W kolejnych latach stowarzyszenia ugruntowały swoją pozycję, bowiem pojawiali się profesjonalni aktywiści z doświadczeniem organizacyjnym. Obecnie aktywność społeczna staje się coraz bardziej popularna, powstają nowe organizacje, zwiększa się również liczba ich członków oraz poszerza zakres działalności. Dużym problemem w Estonii był także niski stopień zaufania społecznego do instytucji państwowych i NGO, jednak te postawy ulegają zmianom. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza okoliczności powstania i. aktywności społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Republice Estonii.

EN

There is a noticeable development of civil society in Estonia, which has also contributed to its accession to the EU. After the Republic of Estonia gained independence in 1991, social organizations were weak, and the lack of trust in them was, among other things, a consequence of the Soviet period and disappointment with the results of transformation. In the following years, the associations consolidated their position as professional activists with organizational experience appeared. Currently, social activity is becoming more and more popular, new organizations are being created, the number of their members is also increasing and the scope of their activities is expanding. A big problem in Estonia was also the low level of public trust in state institutions and NGOs, but these attitudes are changing. The aim of this article is to analyze the circumstances of creation of the civil society and its activity in the Republic of Estonia.

17

Uwarunkowania lokalnej aktywności obywatelskiej

51%

Łabędź K.

Eastern Review

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2018

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vol. 7

143-157

RU

В тексте предпринята попытка определения некоторых факторов, являющихся причиной того, что гражданская активность в польском обществе находится на относительно низком уровне, что также имеет место на региональном уровне, который должен в свою очередь эту активность повышать. Основываясь на некоторых, присутствующих в предметной литературе концепциях, в статье представлены избранные факторы, объясняющие актуальное положение дел. Особое внимание уделено определенным закономерностям психологического характера, избранным взглядам и поведениям общества, затрудняющим партиципацию, с особенным уклоном на те из них, которые влияют на возникновение культуры недоверия, а также на неточно сти и ошибки, осуществляемые в процессе использования форм партиципационной демократии (на примере Кракова).

EN

The paper is an attempt to indicate some conditions causing that civic activity in Polish society is at a relatively low level, even on a local scale, which should promote high activity. Such a situation can be explained by selected factors basing on some concepts in the scientific literature. Firstly, attention was paid to certain psychological norms, selected views and attitudes of the society that may make it difficult to undertake any activities. There are some factors that lead to a culture of distrust as well as shortcomings and mistakes made when using forms of participatory democracy (on the example of Cracow).

18

O lekturze uniwersyteckiej

51%

Rzegocka J.

Kultura i Polityka

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2009

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issue 5

110-116

PL

Artykuł omawia problem lektury uniwersyteckiej oraz pracy z tekstem, które mają podstawowe znaczenie w kształceniu uniwersyteckim. Chodzi bowiem nie tylko o rozumienie i znajomość tekstów kluczowych dla naszej cywilizacji, lecz także o zdolność do uczestniczenia w kulturze i tradycji poprzez tekst, o większe zaangażowanie w sprawy społeczne i kształtowanie postaw obywatelskich, które rozwija mądra lektura. Wychodząc z założenia, że literatura jest ważnym elementem kultury oraz wpływa na tworzące się w naszym kręgu cywilizacyjnym kody kulturowe, Autorka formułuje zalecenia do pracy z tekstem literackim na poziomie uniwersyteckim oraz postuluje wprowadzenie ogólnych kursów literackich na wszystkich szczeblach i kierunkach kształcenia uniwersyteckiego.

EN

This paper addresses the issue of teaching literature and reading comprehension at a university level. The underlying assumption is that the knowledge of certain literary works is crucial in modern higher education since it translates into larger civic engagement. Furthermore, a thorough knowledge of texts of enduring significance has far-fetched implications for those who want to participate in modern culture. The paper examines the importance of reading and puts forward some suggestions and ideas for teaching a non-specialist university literary course.

19

Lokalna aktywność obywatelska – czynniki, pułapki, zróżnicowanie. O wzorach zaangażowania charakterystycznych dla wspólnot mieszkaniowych

51%

Szczepańska M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Sociologica

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2018

|

issue 64

105-119

EN

The article focuses on local civic engagement, considered as an important element of urban development. Literature review indicates the drivers of civic community engagement: education, earnings, neighbourhood bonds, place attachment, social networks, general social activity, life phase, community size, local problems, relationships within community, local leaders, cultural characteristic of region and local political culture. Diverse types of civic engagement are characterised. The growing popularity of homeowner associations (HOA) in Poland raises a question about how they shape civic life in urban areas. Some researchers argue that HOA membership involves taking part in the decision making process. This gives the feeling of influence, increases the local engagement and strengthens civic attitude. Others claim that the sense of belonging to HOA results in low sense of responsibility for the rest of the area or the city. Can the residents’ engagement in HOA be regarded as an expression of civic involvement? The answer is based on the results of the cross-case study of eleven HOAs, conducted by the Author. It presents the aspects of HOA’s activity that refer to civic attitudes. It focuses on the way dwellers define HOA’s goals, their engagement in governance process, their attitudes toward the rest of the city and the relations between HOA and its surroundings. Patterns of civic engagement characteristic for HOA are far from active form of citizenship. They correspond rather with the concept of private and pasive citizenship. HOA members are focused mainly on their own, group interests. HOA gives an opportunity to engage in private governing process that is an alternative for civic engagement. That’s why it can be seen as a threat to civic engagement.

PL

Artykuł skupia się na lokalnej aktywności obywatelskiej, postrzeganej jako istotny warunek rozwoju miasta. Przegląd literatury wskazuje czynniki aktywności obywatelskiej: poziom wykształcenia, dochody, więzi sąsiedzkie, przywiązanie do miejsca, kontakty społeczne, ogólna aktywność społeczna, etap życia, wielkość społeczności, lokalne problemy, relacje wewnątrz społeczności lokalnej, lokalny lider, cechy kulturowe regionu oraz lokalna kultura polityczna. Scharakteryzowano także różnorodne typy zaangażowania obywatelskiego. Rozważania na temat lokalnej aktywności obywatelskiej uzupełniono o aktywność generowaną w ramach wspólnot mieszkaniowych. Rosnąca popularność tych organizacji skłania do rozważań na temat ich wpływu na wzory zaangażowania obywatelskiego. Część badaczy dowodzi, że członkostwo we wspólnocie uczy współrządzenia, daje poczucie wpływu, wzmacnia zaangażowanie lokalne i obywatelskie. Z drugiej strony pojawiają się argumenty, zgodnie z którymi poczucie przynależności do wspólnoty mieszkaniowej skutkuje niższą odpowiedzialnością za miasto i sferę publiczną. Czy zaangażowanie w ramach wspólnoty mieszkaniowej można nazwać obywatelskim? Odpowiedź bazuje na wynikach przekrojowego studium przypadków jedenastu takich wspólnot. Zaprezentowano te aspekty funkcjonowania wspólnot mieszkaniowych, które odnoszą się do aktywności obywatelskiej: cele organizacji w opinii mieszkańców, zaangażowanie w proces współrządzenia, stosunek do dalszego otoczenia oraz relacje wspólnot z sąsiadami. Wzory zaangażowania charakterystyczne dla wspólnot mieszkaniowych nie mieszczą się w ramach przyjętej definicji aktywnej obywatelskości. Korespondują raczej z koncepcją sprywatyzowanej, biernej obywatelskości. Ich członkowie są skupieni na własnych, grupowych interesach. Wspólnoty mieszkaniowe mogą być postrzegane jako pułapka czy niebezpieczeństwo dla lokalnej aktywności obywatelskiej. Skłaniają bowiem do aktywności społecznej, która stanowi alternatywę dla uczestnictwa w sferze publicznej.

20

Social capital in rural areas in Poland the case of the Świętokrzyskie province

51%

Kamińska W.

Miscellanea Geographica. Regional Studies on Development

|

2010

|

vol. 14

241-253

EN

The study tackles the issue of the spatial distribution of social capital in Polish rural areas, using the example of the Świętokrzyskie province. R. Putnam's theory was adopted as to social capital referring to social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them. A synthetic indicator of the quality of social capital was developed, which included 4 components: civic and religious engagement, reciprocity, honesty, trust and local press readership. The research was conducted mainly on the basis of unpublished data. Gminas (municipalities) with a high, an average and a low level of social capital were identified. The highest level of social capital was recorded in highly urbanised gminas with a favourable demographic structure. An average level of social capital was characteristic of typical agricultural gminas. A low level of social capital was recorded in areas with well developed industrial functions. The farmers employed at industrial plants in addition to working on their own farms, which was a prevailing practice in the time of the centrally planned economy, had a largely adverse impact on the weakening of bridging capital, and in recent years the population has not been capable to develop bonding capital as yet.

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