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EN
The aim of this paper is to analyze the aesthetics of urban environments. One central feature of urban environments is that they are surroundings that we share with each other and hence their aesthetic outlook belongs to our common world. One may then ask how common, i.e. shared surroundings should be planned, designed and managed? The author claims that an informed aesthetic consensus is needed. Throughout the paper he discusses why it is important to think about a consensus within urban aesthetic decision making in postmodern times, he presents the notion of an informed aesthetic consensus and its importance for aesthetic theory, finally-he explains how it may be applied to democratic processes of urban aesthetic decision making.
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EN
A number of selected works on the dynamics of opinions and beliefs in social networks has been discussed. Both Bayesian and non-Bayesian approaches to social learning have been considered, but the analysis has been focused on a simple, tractable and widely used model of updating beliefs – the DeGroot model. The author studied the dynamics of opinions based on the DeGroot model from dif-ferent points of view. First, its attractive features and shortcomings were discussed and then some of its extensions have been presented. These models are based on the DeGroot updating rule, but addition-ally incorporate the possibility of improvements and enrichments of the framework.
PL
The subject of the article is a contemporary political debate, considered in the aspect of: the dispute over “right-wing populism”, the strong polarization and cognitive credibility of the rival opinions, the controversial nature of its key concepts and intellectual conformism to the dominant climate of opinion. The thesis of key importance to the text as a whole concerns the source of cognitive defects in contemporary critique of “right-wing populism”. It expresses the author’s conviction that they are a consequence of approving the hegemonic aspirations of the liberal mind. The aim of the article has its critical and apologetic aspect. The first of them refers to the style of polemics with the contestation of demoliberal consensus, which discredits it with the stigmatizing epithet “populism”. The second concerns this tradition of understanding the origins and character of Western freedom (present, for example, in the Tory traditionalists of the “Peterhouse School” also known as the “Salisbury Group”), which emphasizes not only the importance but also the vitality of the premodern political heritage. The analyses contained in the article represent an interpretative theoretical approach. The study uses a comparative and historical method. The research procedure includes, inter alia, the confrontation of not only different opinions, but also the clash of two historical perspectives, i.e. the contemporary discussion on “right-wing populism” and the long-term debate on democracy and liberalism.
EN
This paper addresses contemporary political debate regarding the dispute over “right-wing populism”, the strong polarisation and cognitive credibility of the conflicting opinions, the controversial nature of its key concepts and intellectual conformism to the dominant climate of opinion. The key point of the entire text concerns the source of cognitive defects in contemporary criticism of “right-wing populism”. It expresses the author’s conviction that they result from the approval of the hegemonic aspirations of the liberal mind. The aim of the article has critical and apologetic aspects. The former refers to the style of polemics used regarding dissenters against the liberal democratic consensus, which discredits it with the stigmatising epithet “populism”. The latter applies to this tradition of understanding the origins and nature of Western freedom (present, for example, in the Tory traditionalists of the “Peterhouse School” also known as the “Salisbury Group”), which emphasises not only the importance but also the vitality of the premodern political legacy. The analyses contained in the article represent an interpretative theoretical approach. The article uses a comparative and historical method. The research procedure here includes, among others, the confrontation not only between different opinions, but also the clash of two historical perspectives, i.e. the contemporary discussion on “right-wing populism” and, in the longer term, debate on democracy and liberalism.
PL
W artykule analizowana jest zależność między usytuowaniem ośrodków prognostycznych a pesymizmem makroekonomicznych prognoz dla Polski. Rozróżniono trzy rodzaje ośrodków prognostycznych: instytucjonalne, komercyjne i niezależne. Oficjalna prognoza rządowa stanowi punkt odniesienia dla prognoz ośrodków instytucjonalnych. Nie stwierdzono istotniejszych różnic między prognozami ośrodków komercyjnych i niezależnych w prognozach dla 2009 roku. Konsensusowe prognozy ośrodków zagranicznych okazały się konsekwentnie bardziej pesymistyczne niż prognozy ośrodków krajowych. Jest to rezultatem utrzymywania się za granicą negatywnych stereotypów na temat Polski.
EN
The paper analyses how pessimism of macroeconomic forecasts for Poland is influenced by location of forecasting centers. Three kinds of forecasting centers are distinguished: institutional, commercial and independent. Official governmental forecast turned out to be a benchmark for institutional forecasting centers. In forecasts for 2009 no essential differences between forecasts of commercial and independent centers were found. Consensus forecasts of foreign centers were consistently more pessimistic than forecasts of domestic centers. Such situation can be explained by existence of negative stereotypes on Poland in the West.
EN
Tunisia is the only country of the Middle East and North Africa Region which has chosen the democratic transformation to follow the Arab Spring uprisings. Under the prevailing transitology theories, the democratization proceeds in two major phases. The first one leads to the overthrow of the authoritarian regime and “installation of a democratic government”, while the second one consists of the consolidation of democracy. One of the dominant factors which facilitate the establishment of democracy is the consensual attitude of the political elites. The paper aims to study the phenomenon of the above mentioned stages of Tunisian democratization process. Subsequently, the author attempts to prove that the political consensus of the elites is at the same time a driving force and serves as a model for democratic change to be made.
PL
Tunezja jako jedyne państwo obszaru Afryki Północnej i Bliskiego Wschodu obrała drogę transformacji demokratycznej w następstwie wydarzeń rewolucyjnych tzw. arabskiej wiosny. W świetle dominujących w naukach o polityce teorii transformacji proces „przejścia demokratycznego” odbywa się w dwóch fazach. W pierwszej z nich dochodzi do obalenia autorytarnego reżimu i ustanowienia demokracji, w drugiej kolejności następuje jej konsolidacja. Jednym z czynników dominujących, ułatwiających ustanowienie demokracji, jest konsensualna postawa elit politycznych. Celem artykułu jest próba uchwycenia zjawiska budowy demokracji tunezyjskiej w świetle powyższych stadiów. W dalszej kolejności wykazane zostanie, że zasadniczą przesłanką ułatwiającą transformację demokratyczną i zarazem modelem, w którym dokonuje się zmiana, jest konsens polityczny w procesie ustanawiania instytucji i prawa Tunezji.
EN
Drivers suffering from epilepsy are commonly regarded as a threat to road safety. However, inability to use their own means of transport very often implies specific professional effects and lowers the quality of life. The aim of this study was to analyze the driving status of patients with epilepsy in Poland.Material and MethodsThe prospective study was performed using an independent questionnaire developed by the authors, consisting of 4 parts: 1) socio-demographic information, 2) clinical information, 3) driving information, and 4) opinions about patients with epilepsy as drivers. The study was conducted in November 2018–September 2019. A total of 188 patients completed this study.ResultsMore than one-quarter of the patients have a driving license. Among them, 35 individuals (accounting for 18.62% of the whole study group) said that they had received their driving license after the diagnosis of epilepsy. In 10 cases (5.32%), seizures occurred while the patients were driving and in 72 cases (38.30%) while they were traveling as passengers. Among all socio-clinical factors, having a driving license was conditioned by the marital status (p = 0.008) and education (p = 0.007). Other factors did not affect having a driving license or the time of obtaining the license (p > 0.05 for all cases). A relationship was observed between the occurrence of side effects of antiepileptic drugs and the occurrence of seizures while traveling as a car passenger (p = 0.001). Other factors did not affect the occurrence of epileptic seizures while traveling by car, either as a driver or a passenger (p > 0.05).ConclusionsA significant proportion of the respondents were of the opinion that patients with epilepsy should not be allowed to obtain a driving license, which is probably related to concerns about the occurrence of epileptic seizures while driving. It is necessary to conduct a nationwide educational and information campaign on epilepsy in various aspects.
Human Affairs
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2014
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vol. 24
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issue 1
120-135
EN
This paper addresses the problem of the strategies and theories of democratic participation in Nigeria that breed institutional marginality and bad governance due to shortfalls in pursuing the values of justice and empowerment as core democratic characteristics. The same democratic principles such as voting, parliament, constitution, judiciary, that are suggestive of gains such as responsible use, and peaceful transfer of power may not have translated fully into sociopolitical empowerment for responsibility and representation in evolving democratic practice in Nigeria due to problems of agency and political ideology. Democratic theorizing and participation in Nigeria has defied orthodox presuppositions seen in the disrespect for basic rights and the disregard for the rule of law in democracy that allow for fair play within and among the elites and political grassroots. Thus this study investigates the Nigerian predicament as a model or case study, raising questions about the reasons for the systematic disempowerment of groups.
Rocznik Lubuski
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2017
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vol. 43
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issue 2
143-160
EN
This paper discusses the mechanisms that lead to consensus in shared decision-making (SDM) from a theoretical point of view. It considers the way in which SDM interventions are expected to share information, preferences and create shared mental representations in treatment decisions. It draws on consensus theory to argue that both content-based and process-based consensus are needed in SDM interventions in order to achieve an acceptable level of shared-ness. Three types of conditions are identified from the literature for fostering consensus: content, agent and process conditions. These conditions are further pursued in one Practitioner Training support document and one SDM intervention evaluation report. The analysis revealed that the SDM interventions analyzed pursue only process-based consensus, while disregarding content-based consensus. Further research is required for generalized conclusions. Further implications for practice of these findings are expected to be in the area of patient adherence to treatment and patient satisfaction with service quality.
PL
Niniejszy tekst dotyczy mechanizmów umożliwiających osiąganie konsensusu w podejmowaniu wspólnych decyzji z teoretycznego punktu widzenia. Odnosi się do sposobu, w jakim wspólna wiedza i oczekiwania wpływają na podejmowanie wspólnych decyzji oraz tworzą reprezentacje mentalne w kontekście decyzji dotyczących leczenia. Opiera się na teorii konsensusu, co pozwala uzasadnić konieczność występowania w interwencjach dotyczących podejmowania wspólnych decyzji zarówno konsensusu opartego na treści, jak i rozumianego jako proces dla osiągnięcia akceptowalnego poziomu współodpowiedzialności. W literaturze można odnaleźć trzy rodzaje warunków wspierających osiąganie konsensusu: wewnętrzne, indywidualne i zewnętrzne czynniki procesu. Trzy wymienione warunki zostały zastosowane w dokumencie wspierającym szkolenie pracowników służby zdrowia i raporcie z ewaluacji interwencji w podejmowanie wspólnej decyzji. Analizy pokazały, że przedstawiona interwencja w podejmowanie wspólnych decyzji doprowadziła jedynie do konsensusu opartego na procesie, pomijając konsensus oparty o treść. Formułowanie ogólnych wniosków wymaga prowadzenia dalszych badań. Dalszych implikacji omówionych wyników dla praktyki można się spodziewać w obszarze przywiązania pacjenta do sposobu leczenia i jego satysfakcji z jakości usług.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę ponownego odczytania powieści Marii Kuncewiczowej Cudzoziemka, z zastosowaniem perspektywy postokolonialnej i konsensusu jako formy moderowanego procesu grupowego, nastawionego na osiągnięcie porozumienia. Praca opiera się na założeniu, że jeśli dyskusja o tekstach literackich – również tych historycznych – ma mieć sens, musimy dostrzec w niej szansę na realną zmianę rzeczywistości. Interpretacje postkolonialne ukazują tożsamość kolonizowanych jako proces ciągłego pozycjonowania, łączący się z procesami nawracania traumy, internalizacji uprzedzeń i powielania schematu przemocy. Z kolei metoda konsensusu przenosi punkt ciężkości z tekstu na interpretującą wspólnotę, która może realnie wpływać na otaczającą rzeczywistość.
EN
I present a new reading of the Maria Kuncewicz novel, entitled The Foreigner, with using postcolonial perspective and consensus as a form of moderated group process aimed at reaching agreement. The work is based on the premise that if the discussion of literary texts is to make sense, we must see in it a chance for a real change of reality. Postcolonial interpretations show the colonized identity as a process of continuous positioning, linked to the processes of trauma conversion, the internalization of prejudice, and the amplification of the pattern of violence. On the other hand, the consensus method shifts the focus from text to interpreting community which can really influence on the surrounding reality.
EN
The subject of this paper is the institution of mediation, with a special emphasis on the formulation of postulates addressed to the Polish legislative, governmental institutions, local authorities, corporation of advocates, non-governmental organisations, and establishments of higher education. The Author outlines the general construction of mediation and the mechanisms of its functioning, the impact of the European Union on its Member States in the context of that institution, and touches upon the practical application of mediation in Poland, concluding that once the postulates enumerated in the paper have been addressed and realized, this will grossly reduce the piling number of unresolved disputes, and consequently will minimize the cost arising from the ever-growing numbers of litigation and legal dispute.
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EN
This theoretical study deals with a concept of power, in relation to which it follows several objectives. The purpose of the study is to analyse the concept of power through its central features and seize deeper understanding of its definition. Firstly, we define the concept of power as circular, situational and reciprocal phenomenon. Following this, we aim to introduce intervening factors, which are reflected into the form of classroom power arrangement and which may play an important role in the power arrangement in classes taught by student teachers or beginning teachers. These factors are consensus between students and their teachers, mutual relationships and context. In terms of findings, the functional setting of power relations is perceived as one of the key issues beginning teachers are confronted by when entering the profession and also becomes a key reason for them when deciding to leave the profession.
EN
This contribution is dedicated to the insufficiently researched phenomenon of what are called “national keys”: principles the Yugoslav communists applied in their efforts at rigorously promoting a policy of brotherhood and unity. The goal of this text is to analyze the deepening contrast in the approaches to solving the league-wide crisis between the Bosnian communists. This group – even at in the twilight days of Tito’s Yugoslavia – were overseeing the policy of “brotherhood and unity” that had been in effect until that time, while representatives of the political parties that had newly formed in the 1990s were drawing on a nationalist principle based along ethnic-confessional lines. The essay analyzes both, across a backdrop of the culminating political and economic difficulties in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina in the 1980s. This work focuses on analysis of the modifying central premises for the peaceful existence of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina; i.e., on the transformation in understanding and utilization of the national key and on the essential consensus in constitutional questions between the three Bosnian-Herzegovinian ethnic groups in the era of socialism and in the period after the end of the Bosnian war (the second half of the 1990s).
EN
A pragmatist thinker like Nicholas Rescher deems the idea that social harmony must be predicated in consensus to be both dangerous and misleading. An essential problem of our time is the creation of political and social institutions that enable people to live together in peaceful and productive ways, despite the presence of not eliminable disagreements about theoretical and practical issues. Such remarks, in turn, strictly recall the “practical” impossibility of settling philosophical disputes by having recourse to abstract and aprioristic principles. In the circumstances, the social model of team members cooperating for a common purpose is unrealistic. A more adequate model is, instead, that of a classical capitalism where - in a sufficiently well developed system - both competition and rivalry manage somehow to foster the benefit of the entire community (theory of the “hidden hand”). Certainly the scientific community is one of the best examples of this that we have, although even in this case we must be careful not to give too idealized a picture of scientific research. Consensus, however, in the Western tradition is an ideal worth being pursued. At this point we are faced with two basic positions. On the one side (a) “consensualists” maintain that disagreement should be averted no matter what, while, on the other, (b) “pluralists” accept disagreement because they take dissensus to be an inevitable feature of the imperfect world in which we live. A pluralistic vision, therefore, tries to make dissensus tolerable, and not to eliminate it. All theories of idealized consensus present us with serious setbacks. This is the case, for instance, with Charles S. Peirce. As is well known, Peirce takes truth to be “the limit of inquiry,” i.e. either what science will discover in the (idealized) long run, or what it would discover if the human efforts were so extended. By taking this path, thus, truth is nothing but the ultimate consensus reached within the scientific community. We can be sure that, once a “final” answer to a question has been found which is thereafter maintained without change, that one is the truth we were looking for. This fascinating theory, however, has various unfortunate consequences. In our day the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has in a way revived these Peircean insights, putting forward an influential theory to the effect that consensus indeed plays a key role in human praxis, so that the primary task of philosophy is to foster it by eliminating the disagreement which we constantly have to face in the course of our daily life. In his “communicative theory of consensus,” furthermore, he claims that human communication rests on an implicit commitment to a sort of “ideal speech situation” which is the normative foundation of agreement in linguistic matters. Consequently, the quest for consensus is a constitutive feature of our nature of (rational) human beings: rationality and consensus are tied together. A very strong consequence derives from Habermas’ premises: were we to abandon the search for consensus we would lose rationality, too, and this makes us understand that he views the pursuit of consensus as a regulative principle (rather than as a merely practical objective). Rescher opposes both Peirce’s eschatological view and Habermas’ regulative and idealized one.
EN
Improving national strategic foresight can help the formation of more robust and informed policies, including foreign policy. Predicated upon the theory behind peer-prediction elicitation methods such as Reciprocal Scoring, we combined two foresight methods - Forecasting tournaments and a Delphi method - into a design in which a forecasting tournament predicted the results of a Delphi. Experts in a Delphi could take into account the arguments of participants from a prior forecasting tournament and thus make better-informed decisions. This methodological article aims to validate the feasibility of this design. It describes how we implemented it for identifying and prioritizing global megatrends as part of a strategic foresight project for the Czech government. We found this design practically applicable, while the forecasting tournament also seems to improve the ability of participants to predict a group consensus. Similar combinations of foresight methods could be used to enhance the study of international relations.
EN
The subject of this paper is the institution of mediation, with a special emphasis on the formulation of postulates addressed to the Polish legislative, governmental institutions, local authorities, corporation of advocates, non-governmental organisations, and establishments of higher education. The Author outlines the general construction of mediation and the mechanisms of its functioning, the impact of the European Union on its Member States in the context of that institution, and touches upon the practical application of mediation in Poland, concluding that once the postulates enumerated in the paper have been addressed and realized, this will grossly reduce the piling number of unresolved disputes, and consequently will minimize the cost arising from the ever- -growing numbers of litigation and legal dispute.
EN
In the article, I try to present an outline of the theory of responsibility. Its double root – based on the logical distinction between criterion and testimony – is derived from Abelard’s anthropology of action and the theory of personhood developed by Timothy Chappell. Initially, I discuss the metaphysical difficulties related to the problem of freedom (especially linked with determinism). Afterwards, following Abelard, I try to indicate an anthropological justification of punishment based on guilt. The last part of the paper is devoted to the attempt to enter the free will into a broader view of Chappell’s theory. The aim of the work is to prepare the ground for future studies on the proleptic notion of personhood and its further application within the philosophy of law.
EN
First I discuss the rights as unavoidable part of the human dignity. There are four possible relations: dignity has a wider extension, the volume of both is equivalent, dig-nity includes in itself a bundle of rights, or it is just a simple right. There are good rea-sons to support the last two, even the last position. Then I evaluate some of the chal-lenging innovations in the medical technology, if they are acceptable in front of this close connection. The focus falls on three topics: PGD, cloning, and fusion of human-animal cells. Using moral principles such as non discrimination and non instrumentali-zation I look for some normative framing.
EN
The author of this article discusses the series Il-Kabīr Awī, pointing at cultural contrasts and the assimilation processes. The series shows an exaggerated image of Egyptian society and a stereotypical view of Upper Egypt and the USA. It helps to understand that a certain way of thinking, speaking or behaving, is determined by one’s place of upbringing. Il-Kabīr Awī features a clash of cultures, distrust, and finally the gradual merging of cultures, which actually exists in Egypt.
EN
The article critically analyzes the two argumentative steps on which the later work of John Rawls, that is “political liberalism”, stands. The first step is to give up on role of truth in public debate and replace it with “reasonableness”. The second step is an attempt to base the principles of justice on ideas “implicit in a democratic society”. Both of these steps are a reaction to the heterogeneity of modern societies and should facilitate the achieving of a social consensus that would transcend the plurality of opinion. This approach stands on the philosophical foundations of a concept of politics. However, Rawls’ carrying out of these two steps is problematic. Despite his efforts toward a “pure procedural” theory, the postulating of strong content assumptions regarding the concept of a person and social cooperation cannot be avoided. These then play a key role in his theory, although Rawls isn’t able to convincingly justify them. The article in this way presents an internal criticism of political liberalism.
CS
Článek kriticky analyzuje dva argumentační kroky, na kterých stojí pozdní filosofie Johna Rawlse, tedy „politický liberalismus“. Prvním z nich je rezignace na roli pravdy ve veřejné diskusi a její nahrazení „rozumností“ [reasonableness]. Druhým krokem je pokus o založení principů spravedlnosti na idejích „implicitně obsažených v demokratické společnosti“. Oba tyto kroky jsou reakcí na různorodost moderních společností a mají umožnit dosažení společenského konsensu, který by transcendoval názorovou pluralitu. Rawlsovo provedení těchto dvou kroků je však problematické. Navzdory snaze o „čistou procedurální“ teorii se nedokáže vyhnout postulování silných obsahových předpokladů týkajících se koncepcí osoby a společenské spolupráce. Ty následně hrají klíčovou roli v jeho teorii, ačkoli je Rawls nedokáže přesvědčivě zdůvodnit. Článek tedy prezentuje interní kritiku politického liberalismu.
DE
Der Artikel bietet eine kritische Analyse zweier Argumentationsschritte, auf denen die späte Philosophie von John Rawls, d. h. der „politische Liberalismus“ steht. Der erste ist die Kapitulation vor der Rolle der Wahrheit und deren Ersetzen durch die „Vernünftigkeit“ [reasonableness] in der öffentlichen Diskussion. Der zweite Schritt ist der Versuch, die Grundsätze der Gerechtigkeit auf „in demokratischen Gesellschaften implizite“ Ideen zu begründen. Beide Schritte stellen eine Reaktion auf die Verschiedenartigkeit der modernen Gesellschaften dar und sollen das Erzielen eines gesellschaftlichen Konsenses ermöglichen, in dem die Meinungsvielfalt transzendiert wird. Dieses Konzept steht auf philosophischen Grundlagen der Politikauffassung. Rawls’ Ausführung dieser zwei Schritte ist jedoch problematisch. Trotz der Bemühung um eine „rein prozedurale“ Theorie kommt er nicht umhin, starke inhaltliche Voraussetzung bezüglich der Konzeption von Person und gesellschaftlicher Kooperation zu postulieren. Diese Voraussetzungen spielen anschließend eine Schlüsselrolle in seiner Theorie, obwohl Rawls nicht in der Lage ist, sie überzeugend zu begründen. Der vorliegende Artikel stellt somit eine interne Kritik des politischen Liberalismus dar.
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