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Zapiski Historyczne
|
2013
|
vol. 78
|
issue 3
105-128
EN
The first years after the end of WWII in Poland were a period of consolidation for communist power. Polish communists were meticulous executors of Joseph Stalin’s plans and were steadfastly assisted by the Soviet Union. The so called “monument action” consisting in erecting statues of gratitude to the Red Army in Poland was an important element of the communist propaganda. Nevertheless, it turned out that not all Poles were grateful to the Soviet soldiers and the USSR. The fact that soldiers of the Red Army devoted their lives fighting with the Nazi occupying forces was dimmed by disgraceful acts committed on the Polish population by Soviet soldiers who consistently carried out the imperial policy of Stalin. Actions undertaken against such statues of gratitude became a manner of demonstrating the objection of many Poles to the situation in the country after the war. The article examines in detail the attempt to blow up the cemetery monument of gratitude to the Red Army in Gdańsk on the basis of the files of the Military District Court.
EN
Taking the example of Marin Držić’s attempted conspiracy with the Florentine duke, Cosimo I de’ Medici, this article looks at theatricality as one of the key processes in the society of early modern Republic of Ragusa. This article discusses the ambiguous historical evidence testifying to dubious diplomatic actions of the celebrated author, who was a relatively powerless citizen in Ragusa at the time. The article further explores the repercussions of the discovery of the letters and the enduring consequences of this event that reshaped not only Držić’s historical persona, but also perceptions of political stability in Ragusa and could potentially change the view on the possibilities of an individual’s agency in state-building.
EN
Although he used to be praised by the West as a modernizer of Turkey, Erdoğan’s mode and discourse of governance have changed drastically over the last decade – he now employs severe counter-democratic measures and exclusionary, populist discourses. This article explores Erdoğan’s rule, focusing in particular on the discourses he promotes in order to keep power and attain increasing electoral support. In an analysis based on the theoretical foundations of Critical Discourse Analysis, Erdoğan’s reign is characterized by specific, exclusionary discourses, from creating the discursive Other established as the enemy and engaging in conspiracy discourses, to openly chastising and castigating his political opponents, while his popularity continues to increase.
EN
The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the selected aspects of daily routine of the landowning Kończa family during their stay in exile in the Great Ustiug in the first half of the nineteenth century. For participating in the Szymon Konarski’s conspiracy, Medard Kazimierz Kończa was exiled into the Russian Empire, where he stayed from 1839, and two years later he was joined by his wife and son. The text is based on the analysis of memoirs and correspondence belonging to the Kończą family and their relatives - the Römer family. The confrontation and comparison of these reports showed in what way values, ideas and customs cultivated by the family were implemented among nationally and culturally foreign community. They allowed to present the relations between the Polish exiles with the locals and they indicated the importance of home, not only in the material sense, but also in the conscious one, and these traditions Kończa family tried to restore in the exile by maintaining the landowning tradition.
EN
In the past twelve years Pakistan has gone through a period of acute internal strife between the status quo and the emerging new religious/political ideologies. A number of reasons define the conflict: religious, social, economic, international. A very important element of the strife is the psychological attitude of Pakistanis towards their own state, religion and the world at large. The key elements of this psychological attitude are: inferiority/superiority complex vis‑à‑vis their Arab neighbours, India, and the Western world, and the commonly held belief in dangerous conspiracies that the world outside is constantly hatching against it. These two elements are enhanced by militant (jihadi) electronic and printed media creating a strongly skewed vision of the outside world.
PL
Marian Piotrowicz związany był z Szadkiem poprzez fakt zamieszkania, edukację oraz działalność konspiracyjną w strukturach ZWZ–AK. Wstąpił do organizacji niepodległościowej działającej na terenie Szadku w marcu 1941 r. i przyjął pseudonim „Kometa”. W ugrupowaniu dowodzonym przez „Orlicza”, pozostawał do dyspozycji komendanta pełniąc obowiązki dowódcy plutonu z zadaniem transportu broni i amunicji. Jako najbliższy współpracownik komendanta wspierał go w poszukiwaniu i werbowaniu odpowiednich osób w szeregi konspiracyjne. Po wojnie w 1945 r. opuścił Szadek. Ukończył w Krakowie Akademię Górniczo-Hutniczą. Jako inżynier pracował w Przedsiębiorstwie Budowy Zakładów Przemysłu Węglowego w Bytomiu, w tym czasie zajmując się nauczaniem w szkołach górniczych. Po przejściu na emeryturę zaangażował się w tworzenie struktur organizacji kombatanckiej, został prezesem Okręgu Śląskiego ŚZŻAK. Był niestudzonym działaczem w krzywieniu idei Polskiego Państwa Podziemnego. W 1989 roku przyczynił się do integracji szadkowskiego środowiska kombatanckiego inspirując powołanie terenowego koła SZŻAK w Szadku.
EN
Marian Piotrowicz was connected with Szadek through living and receiving education in this town, and conspiratorial activity in the structures of the Union of Armed Struggle – Home Army. He joined an underground organization in Szadek in March 1941, under the pseudonym „Kometa”. In a group headed by „Orlicz” he had the function of platoon commander responsible for arms and munitions transport, and recruitment of new members. After the war, in 1945, he left Szadek and completed education in the Mining and Metallurgy School in Cracow. As an engineer, he worked in the Mining Industry Plant in Bytom. He also worked as a teacher in schools of mining. After retirement he was engaged in forming the structures of a combatant organisation. President of the Silesian District of the World Union of Home Army Soldiers, very active in promoting the idea of the Polish Underground State. In 1989 he contributed to the integration of the combatant community in Szadek by establishing the local association of the World Union of Home Army Soldiers in Szadek.
EN
Aim: Presenting the pedagogic, academic, and scouting activity of Celestyna Orlikowska in different periods of time and various conditions taking mainly account of the period in Piotrków and her patriotic attitude during the Second World War. Methods: An analysis of archival documents and source literature in the context of social, political, and territorial changes taking place and the ongoing war. Results: Presenting an educationist who cared with great devotion about her mentees’ education. Presenting her great involvement in scouting, and her commendable attitude in the period of conspiracy during the German occupation and during her stay in a concentration camp. Presenting her considerable output in the scope of history of natural sciences. Showing the coercive attitude of the communist authorities towards the highly qualified teacher who wished to educate the youth in the spirit of universal, human values. Conclusions: Showing that the teacher’s worthy attitude, diligence, reliability regardless of the situation she was in, produces positive educational results and earns recognition among her students and the environment she was in.
EN
Review of the book that contains 10 essays, previously dispersed, written between 1999 and 2013 and published in the period 2001–2011. The author’s focus were small collections of poems chosen to represent authors who had been either completely or partially forgotten, or absent – at least in terms of their military activity – on the pages of even the most extensive historical and literary syntheses.
EN
This article focuses on the description and case analysis of the phenomenon of QAnon - a radical extremist movement that is a new type of quasi-religious underground community, shaped by the structure of the Internet. The article highlights the most important aspects of the Q community and places them in a broader context. The text focuses on reconstructing the internal logic of the group and analyses the new type of Internet methods and practices. These strategies can be exploited by other movements with a similar profile since through their use, the QAnon has reached millions of recipients on social media platforms. The thesis of the article is based on the assumption that the movement is a community grown on the architecture of the Web 2.0 system, the consequences of which are detailed. The Q movement as a socio-cultural phenomenon has influenced the political radicalization of public opinion not only in the United States, but also in European countries.
Acta Ludologica
|
2022
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vol. 5
|
issue 1
60-79
EN
This article takes a ludological approach to QAnon and investigates the conspiracy phenomenon as an Alternate Reality Game. Drawing extensively on media reportage of QAnon and reviewing its discussion in the domains of digital culture, media scholarship and game studies, connections between the QAnon conspiracy movement and digital game rhetorics in far-right online spaces are highlighted, with attention to the notions of Gamification and Dark Play. Exploring the intersection of digital game cultures, online conspiracy movements and political extremism, this paper invites scholarly attention to various aspects of QAnon from the fields of games studies and play studies. With the QAnon phenomenon highlighting the significant political impact and import of games culture, this paper shows that the field of ludology has much to offer a range of researchers in interpreting the motivations and meanings of the online communities from which QAnon emerged.
12
71%
Praktyka Teoretyczna
|
2016
|
vol. 20
|
issue 2
231-245
EN
Helen Rappaport in her book Conspirator: Lenin in exile proposes a new view of Lenin’s lifetime in exile, i.e., of the period 1902–1917, as the most important time in the Russian revolutionist’s life. This approach opens up a place for new interpretations, but also is combined with certain problems. To some extent, Rappaport succeeds in demythologizing Lenin and in showing him as a character whose features and outlook are in the process of being shaped. On the other hand, book contains many formulations that are poorly grounded in sources and sensational plots, which largely has ensured publicity for the book. In addition, Rapport does not give convincing answers to the question of how Lenin’s stay in different European countries influenced the evolution of his outlook. Rappaport’s book is limited in this respect to summarizing subsequent works of the Russian revolutionist, as well as to attempting to interpret them through the prism of his psychological features.
PL
Helen Rapport w swojej książce Conspirator: Lenin in Exile proponowała nowe spojrzenie na emigracyjny okres życia Lenina, to jest na lata 1902–1917, jako na czas najistotniejszy w życiu rosyjskiego rewolucjonisty. Ten sposób ujęcia zagadnienia otwiera przestrzeń dla nowych interpretacji, ale także wiąże się z określonymi problemami. Rappaport udało się do pewnego stopnia „odbrązowić” Lenina i ukazać go jako postać, której cechy i światopogląd wówczas dopiero się kształtowały. Z drugiej jednak strony, książka zawiera sporo słabo ugruntowanych źródłowo, lecz „sensacyjnych” wątków, które w dużej mierze zapewniły jej rozgłos. Rappaport nie dała również przekonujących odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób pobyt w różnych krajach Europy wpłynął na ewolucję światopoglądową Lenina, ograniczając się w tej sferze do referowania kolejnych prac rosyjskiego rewolucjonisty lub do prób przyjrzenia się im przez pryzmat jego cech psychologicznych.
PL
W artykule zaprezentowano sylwetki żołnierzy związanych z szadkowską Polską Organizacją Wojskową, powstałą wiosną 1915 r. z inicjatywy Feliksa Szymańskiego. Są to najczęściej postacie mało znane, ale zasłużone w walce z okupantem i zaangażowane w działania prowadzące do odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości. Informacje o tych osobach autorka zdobyła podczas badania źródeł archiwalnych, znajdujących się w Centralnym Archiwum Wojskowym Wojskowego Biura Historycznego w Warszawie. W artykule nie zabrakło też sylwetek szkoleniowców, m.in. Jerzego Neugebauera czy Stanisława Fruzińskiego. Zaprezentowane biogramy stanowią ważne źródło informacji na temat działalności szadkowskiej komórki POW.
EN
The article presents the profiles of soldiers who belonged to the Szadek section of the Polish Military Organization, established in the spring of 1915 by Feliks Szymański. They are not widely known, but nevertheless are persons of great merit as regards the fight against the occupiers and engagement in actions aimed at the regaining of independence by Poland. The author found relevant information by studying archival sources in the Central Military Archive of the Military Historical Bureau in Warsaw. The article also presents the profiles of the instructors, such as Jerzy Neugebauer or Stanisław Fruziński.
EN
The conspiracy mission of Marin Držić is being analysed in the context of sovereignty and political state of exception, from Schmitt to Agamben, as well as in the light of recent historical interpretations, from Jeličić and Pupačić to Tatarin and Kunčević. Držić’s letters to Cosimo I. and Francesco Medici are thus situated in the context of renaissance diplomatic thought. Based on some possibilities in their Croatian stylizations (Čale vs. Batistić), their political and theological semantics is revised.
HR
Rad se bavi pismima koja je Marin Držić uputio Cosimu I. i Francescu Mediciju. Nastoji se istražiti književnohistoriografski i političko-teološki habitus tih pisama, u dvama kontekstima — u kontekstu dosadašnjih Držićoloških istraživanja, bilo onih književnohistoriografske ili historiografske naravi, i, detaljnije, u kontekstu novijih pristupa problemu suvereniteta, političke iznimke i izvanrednog stanja, osobito kroz prizmu teoretičara kao što su Schmitt, Benjamin i Agamben. 
EN
Stanisław Tadeusz Wołowski came from a Polish-English family from Płock. He got involved in the conspiracy between 1860 and 1863, emigrated, came back to the country at the end of his life. He was associated with the Warsaw painters community.
PL
Stanisław Tadeusz Wołowski pochodził z płockiej polsko-angielskiej rodziny. Angażował się w konspirację między 1860 i 1863 r., wyemigrował, pod koniec życia wrócił do kraju. Był związany z warszawskim środowiskiem malarskim.
PL
Tekst rozważa kilka interpretacji i ocen zjawiska kontrkultur. Rysuje związki współczesnych fal kontrkulturowych z XIX-wieczną cyganerią. Wskazuje odmienne inspiracje kontrkultur amerykańskich i europejskich. Zawiera szersze omówienie warszawskiej cyganerii (1838–1843) działającej w okresie największego terroru „nocy Paskiewiczowskiej”. Charakterystyka warszawskiej cyganerii w porównaniu z paryską – na zachodzie Europy cyganerie wiążą się z wizerunkiem żyjących poza i w opozycji do obyczaju, praw, stylu życia kultury panującej Cyganów-Romów. W Polsce „cyganie” wiążą się z wykluczonymi z tej kultury chłopami: „ludomania” krakowskiej cyganerii, radykalizm społeczny warszawskiej cyganerii. Polemizując z ocenami, które odmawiają kontrkulturom wartości, tekst podejmuje kwestie: kontrkultury a ruchy polityczne i kontrkultury a awangardy artystyczne. Kontrkultury nie są działaniem elit, profesjonalistów, polityków, artystów, choć czerpią inspiracje z kolejnych krytyk kultury. Wciąż pojawiające się pod różnymi nazwami ruchy młodzieżowe mogą być związane z polityką i sztuką, ale nie mieszczą się w nich. Są wyrazem dość powszechnego niepokoju egzystencjalnego i próbami odmiennego niż w kulturze panującej stylu życia. Mogą więc wyrastać z romantycznego postulatu „odrodzenia wewnętrznego człowieka”. Postulat ten pozostał w epoce niedookreślony, silnie emocjonalny, najdobitniej wyraża się w nim negacja. Postawy buntownicze kolejnych kontrkultur można uznać za czynnik dynamizujący kulturę europejską. Mają one także drugą, ciemną stronę – destrukcji i autodestrukcji.
EN
This text deliberates a number of interpretations and views concerning the phenomenon of counterculture. Outlines relations between contemporary countercultural movements and the XIXth century Bohemianism. Indicates various inspirations that accompanied american and european countercultures. Contains a wide coverage of the Warsaw bohème (1838–1843) and its activity during the great terror of “Paskiewicz night”. Identifies elements of Warsaw bohème in comparison with bohème in Paris. In the west of Europe, bohème has the image of Gypsies, Bohemians and Romes, who live in opposition to laws, customs, style of life requred in dominating culture. In Poland the “gypsies” appear as excluded from official culture peasants – “folkmania” in Cracow and social radicalism of Warsaw “gypsies”. Pollemizing with opinions which refuse counterculture appreciation, the above text undertakes questions of counterculture and political movements as well as artistic avant-garde. Countercultures are not an element of politics, professional art or elite, although they take inspiration from succeeding art critiques. Frequently appearing, under various names, youth movements are often related with politics and art, but not as their element. They are an expression of a common existential anxiety and are an attempt to lead an unconventional life. Some may have roots in the romantic “revival of internal life”. Romanticism left this postulate undefined, strongly emotional, with negation as its main distinction. Rebellious attitudes of following countercultures can be regarded as a dynamic factor to european culture. There also is another, dark side – destruction and autodestruction.
EN
Reality as a conspiracy (based on selected short stories by Richard Weiner) In this draft, the main theme is an attempt to analyse a conspiracy theory for its philosophical and ontological aspects but in the literary context. The author refers to selected stories by Richard Weiner. She presents her insights on the development of plots and conspiracy themes that depart from their commonly understood form. She shows the theme of reality as a mysterious set of certain premonitions and predetermined rules that control the life of the characters.
CS
Realita jako spiknutí (na základě vybraných povídek Richarda Weinera) Hlavním tématem tohoto námětu je pokus o analýzu konspirační teorie z filozofického a ontologického hlediska, avšak v literárním kontextu. Autorka odkazuje na vybrané povídky Richarda Weinera. Uvádí jeho myšlenky důležité pro realizaci témat a motivů spiknutí, jež se od jejich běžně srozumitelné formy liší. Ukazuje motiv reality jako tajemnou sadu určitých pocitů a předem stanovených pravidel, která ovládají život hlavních postav.
PL
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna miała silne tradycje działalności paramilitarnej, sięgające 1904 r. Socjalistyczne formacje bojowe – Pogotowie Bojowe i Milicja Ludowa – odegrały istotną rolę walkach o niepodległość i granice. W późniejszym okresie partyjna milicja służyła do walki zarówno z prawicą (m.in. w czasie przewrotu majowego 1926 r.) jak i z komunistami. Milicja w Warszawie stopniowo uniezależniała się od partii i angażowała w działania kryminalne. Ostatecznie doprowadziło to do rozłamu w 1928 r. i utworzenia PPS – dawnej Frakcji Rewolucyjnej.
EN
The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) had a long and strong tradition of paramilitary activity since 1904. Socialist armed formations – the Fighting Emergency Squad and the Peoples’ Militia – were very active during the struggle for Independence and – afterwards – frontiers of the Second Republic of Poland 1917–21. In later period militia of the PPS fought both against rightists (especially in Józef Piłsudski’s coup d’état in 1926) and communists. The Warsaw branch of militia gradually became independent from the Party’s leadership and engaged in criminal activity. Finally militiamen split up and created so-called Former Revolutionary Fraction of PPS in 1928.
PL
This paper focuses on the symbolic role attributed to Cyprian Norwid (1821–1883) in the young poets’ and critics’ circle gathered around the right-wing conspiracy journal Art and Nation (1942–1944) in occupied Warsaw. They used a paraphrase of Norwid’s words, “The artist is the organizer of national imagination”, in order to emphasize their aim of an autonomous and at the same time nationally committed art. However, in many statements by Andrzej Trzebiński (1922–1943) and Wacław Bojarski (1921–1943), the term “nation” appears to be more of a performative gesture than a reference to a consistent, historically evolving reality, as conceived of by Norwid. It was only in the 1944 essay “History and Deed”, never to be printed in the underground, that the circle’s foremost poet Tadeusz Gajcy (1922–1944) critically revisited anti-traditional activism and championed a genuinely “Norwidian”, contemplation-based understanding of creativity.
PL
Autor poddał analizie działalność oficera Wojska Polskiego, Konstantego Witkowskiego, w czasie drugiej wojny światowej komendanta obwodu Armii Krajowej Radzyń Podlaski. Ten artykuł biograficzny ma za zadanie przybliżyć postać człowieka, który karierę wojskową roz-poczynał w okresie carskim, zdobywając wtenczas pierwsze szlify wojenne jako oficer 5. Dywi-zji Syberyjskiej, kontynuował ją jako żołnierz piechoty II Rzeczpospolitej, zaś jej zwieńczeniem okazała się funkcja komendanta obwodu Radzyń Podlaski Armii Krajowej. Jego antyniemiecka postawa nie znalazła zrozumienia wśród wkraczających latem 1944 r. na ziemie polskie no-wych okupantów – komunistów. Nowe stalinowskie władze RP potraktowały go jak wroga ustroju, skazując go na karę śmierci. Po kilku latach względnej swobody został aresztowany po raz drugi pod sfingowanym zarzutem współpracy z gestapo i skazany. Z więzienia wyszedł po odbyciu kilkuletniej kary. Po wyjściu z więzienia był strachliwy i małomówny.
EN
The author subjected the activity of a Polish Army officer, a commanding officer of the Home Army Radzyń Podlaski district during World War II ¬– Konstanty Witkowski – to an analysis. This biographical article aims to give a broad outline of a man who started his military career during the Tsarist period, gaining his first military experiences as an officer of the 5th Siberian Rifle Division, continued as an infantry soldier under the Second Polish Republic and ended as a commanding officer of the Home Army of the Radzyń Podlaski district. His anti-German attitude found no understanding among the new occupiers who entered the Polish territory in the summer of 1944 – i.e. the Communists. The new Stalinist authorities of the Republic of Poland treated him as an enemy of the regime and sentenced him to death. After a few years of relative freedom, he was arrested once again on trumped-up charges of collaboration with the Gestapo and sentenced. He was released after serving a few years in prison. Once he left prison, he was anxious and reticent.
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