Voluntary Work Camps were a Polish social organization, the aim of which was to engage youngsters in helping with the national economy of the Polish People’s Republic. Besides that, the main goal of the VWC was to conduct propaganda and indoctrinate the young people that participated. VWC’s propaganda was based on publishing materials such as ‘Biuletyn Informacyjny’ and cooperating with youth magazines. The most com-mon technique used was to depict the idyllic everyday life of the VWC, where youngsters could, of course, earn money, but also learn a profession, make friends and enjoy the time that they spent in the camp. Young people were indoctrinated during the classes and lectures, which were often led by a professional propagandist. During the course of those lectures they were inculcated with the social vision of the world and they praised the achievements of the Polish People’s Republic. ‘Spartakiads’ were a par-ticulary interesting way of indoctrination – these were sporting events thematically connected with the propaganda.
The main purpose of this article is to answer the following questions: did the current sociopolitical situation determine the contents of kid’s Płomyczek magazine and if so, how. These questions suggest a hidden agenda of the periodical as a tool of indoctrination. The study was conducted on issues ofPłomyczek from the period of the Second Polish Republic, the Polish People’s Republic and the Third Polish Republic. The research shows similarities between the ideology in the said period and the content of Płomyczek, however indoctrination took place only during the Second Polish Republic and the Polish People’s Republic. Issues from the Third Polish Republic, unlike the earlier ones, criticized current politicians and stimulated reflective thinking.
The aim of this paper is to show critical thinking as an important element of curriculum that is worth developing during various courses in the process education and to which the form and content of philosophy course is worth adjusting. The article points out various dificulties of putting the idea into practice, particularly those connected to assumptions and practices of the Polish education system (politicization, idelogization, lack of pluralism in the Polish school, and little preparation of teachers to develop critical thinking in their pupils). The paper also gives examples of solutions that aid skeptical thinking teaching. I do not argue that the school should resign from passing cultural competences and knowledge regarding history of culture and philosophy, but I do suggest that they do not have to the most crucial position in curriculum. Nevertheless, education should not be confined to only critical thinking as it would both restrain creative thinking and upset the balance between processes of individualization and socialization, the latter being essential on early stages of education.
The aim of the article is to present the assumptions and methods of the ideological impact on the environment of Polish teachers by the communist authorities in 1948–1956 as remembered by teachers. During the Stalinist period, the Polish Workers’ Party (later the Polish United Workers’ Party) tried to instil in teachers “socialist morality” by means of various courses, conferences, additional education and the order of “self-education”. The following text contains a synthetic historical outline of the above–mentioned activities and their analysis based on the memories of direct witnesses of those events.
The article begins by providing an overview of the development of right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany. This overview focuses on the past three decades and on the wide spectrum of juvenile subcultures within this movement. The right-wing music scene will then be highlighted as a form of propaganda which plays a major role in the ideological indoctrination of young people. Its persuasive function will be demonstrated via a linguistic investigation of rightwing song lyrics on several levels, including lexicological aspects as well as the songs’ argumentative structures. Finally, these results will be illustrated by examples taken from a song lyrics’ corpus compiled within the framework of a recent research project at the Leibniz University of Hannover (Germany), entitled “Language Patterns within the Extreme Right-Wing Music Scene”.
Dogmatic discourse and institutionalized control build a totalitarian state on two main pillars: propaganda and indoctrination. Our study analyzes the phenomena of cultural mimesis and ideological transplantation inside the Romanian communist system. The periphery and centre represent concepts that help us in the process of constructing our cultural theory about the propaganda system and its evolution during the years before the abolition of the monarchy, 1946-1947. The study is based mainly on archive documents. Therefore, we followed up the chronological paths in which the propaganda was used as an external weapon, and also as an internal indoctrination.
Nowadays, the problem of indoctrination at schools seems to be quite distant and invalid in the sphere of the pedagogical research. It appears that manipulating students and inculcating certain attitudes and beliefs to them may often be conducted unconsciously, which suppresses students’ remarkable capacities such as critical thinking, frank expression of their own opinions and much broader view on the varied subjects at the same time. The method of M. Lipman appears to be an effective solution for eliminating indoctrination at schools and adopting above mentioned attitudes by the students. After defining and analyzing certain notions concerning indoctrination and education, I present strong and weak points of the method of M. Lipman in excluding the idea of indoctrination at schools. The following writing presents the meaning and the significance of “The Philosophy for Children” in the struggle against the indoctrination.
The article is dedicated to phenomena of verbal magic, which exploit in modern Russian semi-official discourse for the purpose of social consciousness’ manipulation.
One of the characteristics of the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries was the tendency of young people to gather in youth associations and organisations. Some of these were created spontaneously and their activities were illegal, while others were created by the authorities of particular states, especially totalitarian ones. One example of such an organisation was the All-Union Pioneer Organisation, established by the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1922. Its strategic goal was to participate in the education of the new man, who was to become homo sovieticus, a higher variety of homo sapiens, in the future. The Pioneer Organisation fulfilled this task by organising children of school age (aged 9 to 14) and subjecting them to a systematic ideological and political training based on the Leninist or Stalinist model. The activities of the Pioneer Organisation were supervised by the Komsomol and additionally by the leadership of the communist party ruling the USSR. The structure of the Pioneer Organisation included groups, packs and cells. Like the Komsomol, the Pioneer Organisation also had its symbols, such as the threepointed red scarf that symbolised three generations: communists, komsomolets and pioneers, as well as a pioneer badge, a pioneer salute, a uniform, bugles and a snare drum.
The article is devoted to the discussion of socialization processes in the South African apartheid sysem of education (1948-1994). The socialization function of education is considered in-depth, with special attention paid to the racial inequality and discrimination in South African society. The article includes the consideration of school indoctrination and different aims of education and curricula in education subsystems for different racial groups in an Apartheid society.
Po 1947 r. komuniści zideologizowali szkołę w celu zwiększenia wpływu na środowiska nauczycielskie i młodzieżowe. Zjednoczono organizacje młodzieżowe oraz zreorganizowano strukturę polskiej oświaty. Do kontrolowania tych środowisk wykorzystano komunistyczny aparat represji. Artykuł pokazuje te zjawiska w powiecie sierpeckim na początku lat 50.
EN
In order to enhance the influence on teachers’ and youth environments, communists ideologised schools after 1947. Youth organizations were united and Polish education was reconstructed. Apparatus of communistic repression was used in order to control these environments. The article describes the phenomena that took place in Sierpc County in early 1950s
According to the words of Vladimir Lenin, “The illiterate can not build socialism”. Therefore the liquidation of illiteracy had a strategic role — it was not just about providing citizens with basic skills, to facilitate the daily life, but also (and perhaps even primarily) about shaping their social consciousness. This thesis illustrates the already "Regulation of conducting primary education" courses ("Regulamin pracy kursów nauczania początkowego"), which defines the purpose of education of adult illiterates in two sections. The first one talks about acquisition (typical for this level of teaching) skills in reading, writing and counting. While the second subsection says the acquisition “basic information about People’s Republic of Poland, about the forces of democracy camp fighting under the chairmanship of the Soviet Union for freedom, justice, prosperity, progress and peace”. Such objectives suggest the indoctrinatinating nature of texts for primary education of illiterate adults. Article proves this thesis by analyzing the same primers and archival materials (Central Office for the Control of the Press, Publications and Performances, Ministry of Education, Office of Government Plenipotentiary for the Eradication of Illiteracy) as well as literature, trying also to show the mechanisms of indoctrination.
The victory of the Soviet Union over the National Socialist Third Reich in World War II is still considered in the Russian Federation as the most important, as well as indisputable contribution to the creation and functioning of the modern world. Moreover, contemporary Russia officially upholds its own version of these events and continuously refers to the shared history of the nations that once formed the Soviet empire. The recurrent images of the Soviets as victors and the ever-renewed concept of Stalin as a national hero are, however, no more than a duplication of the old propaganda models used during the Second World War. The present article seeks to examine the indoctrination efforts undertaken in the Soviet Union at the time of its conflict with Germany during the period 1941–5, particularly with regard to the soldiers of the Red Army. It also pays attention to the emotional appeals of Soviet propaganda and changes in the main ideological directions at various stages of the war.
The article aims to outline the problem of communist indoctrination in schools for Jewish children and youth during the Stalinist period in Poland. The study focuses on the legal basis of education for national minorities, educational and upbringing goals and ideals as well as methods of implementing ideological assumptions resulting from systemic changes associated with the communist takeover of power in Poland. Moreover, forms of educational influence on children and adolescents as well as staffing issues are discussed. The study is based on archival materials obtained from the Archives of Modern Records in Warsaw (collections of the Ministry of Education and the Polish Workers’ Party), the State Archives in Legnica, the State Archives in Wrocław, the Archives of the Social and Cultural Association of Jews, the Archives of the Jewish Historical Institute and others.
The study takes up the subject matter of the image of the family and family relationships which were presented in children’s magazines such as “Świerszczyk” and “Płomyczek” issued during the time of the Polish People’s Republic. The editorial office’s aim was to bring joy and warmth to the child’s everyday life by reading the mentioned magazines. Education issues in the family are presented in clearly defined sections and mainly concern: a mutual care between family members, for example, during a disease; leisure activities, maintaining contact with a family living in the countryside or in another city; helping with field work; parents’ professional work; school problems and dealing with them in a family; the relationship with grandparents; the relationship between siblings, parents and children, celebrating public holidays and anniversaries which were forgotten during the period of socialism. At the same time, it should be noted that in the decades since the year 1945, on the pages of children’s magazines, one can observe a clear influence of political factors which were defining the functioning of families in our country, for example, the economic plans made by the government of the day as well as holidays and public celebrations carried out according to the Soviet way of thinking. On the pages of children’s magazines, a planned preparation for life in a socialist family was carried out efficiently and it was embedded deep in the Marxist-Leninist ideology. The children’s magazines, thoroughly censored, were an effective weapon of indoctrination carried out by the socialist state. It should be emphasized that the children’s magazines in the time of the Polish People’s Republic, as well as school books, were used to educate the citizens of the socialist state.
PL
Opracowanie podejmuje tematykę obrazu rodziny oraz relacji rodzinnych, przedstawianych na łamach czasopism dziecięcych „Świerszczyk” i „Płomyczek”, wydawanych w Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej. W zamierzeniu redakcji, wymienione czasopisma miały za zadanie wniesienie radości i ciepła do powojennej dziecięcej codzienności. Zagadnienia wychowania w rodzinie ujęte są w wyraźnie określone działy i dotyczą głównie: wzajemnej opieki między poszczególnymi członkami rodziny, np. w czasie choroby; spędzania czasu wolnego, utrzymywania kontaktów z rodziną mieszkającą na wsi lub w innym mieście; pomocy podczas wykonywania prac polowych; pracy zawodowej rodziców; problemów szkolnych dzieci i radzenia sobie z nimi w rodzinie; relacji z babcią i dziadkiem; relacji między rodzeństwem, rodzicami i dziećmi, obchodzenie świąt państwowych i rocznic, o których pamiętano w okresie socjalizmu. Jednocześnie należy zaznaczyć, iż w poszczególnych dziesięcioleciach, począwszy od 1945 roku, na łamach czasopism dziecięcych można zauważyć wyraźny wpływ politycznych czynników, które wytyczały funkcjonowanie rodzin w Polsce, np. plany gospodarcze podejmowane przez ówczesny rząd, święta i uroczystości państwowe realizowane według wzorów radzieckich. Na łamach czasopism dziecięcych z dużą skutecznością realizowano zaplanowane wychowanie do życia w rodzinie socjalistycznej, osadzone głęboko w ideologii marksistowsko-leninowskiej. Czasopisma dziecięce, dogłębnie cenzurowane, były skuteczne, podobnie, jak podręczniki szkolne, w procesie indoktrynacji realizowanej przez państwo socjalistyczne. Podkreślić należy, że czasopiśmiennictwo dziecięce okresu Polski Ludowej, podobnie jak podręczniki szkolne, służyło wychowaniu człowieka – obywatela państwa socjalistycznego.
The article offers an analysis of the fate of an Upper Silesian child in the totalitarian period (Nazi occupation, Stalinist period). Physically kidnapped by the occupier and taken over by his family or indoctrinated at school or other educational institutions, it was most often subjected to excluding models of teaching in the Polish or German spirit. Often the methods of formation were sophisticated – children were bribed, tempted, and seduced. The analysis of this situation is based on the interpretation of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s poem Erlkönig, in which the dominant feature is the struggle for the soul of a child between a natural ally (parent) and an adversary who comes from the outside (king); the vision of the elven kingdom is juxtaposed with the totalitarian utopia of a society – racially strong and perfect, or with the vision of Poland – a society devoid of differences, and at the same time perfectly anti-German. Various kinds of texts were taken into consideration documentary (R. Hrabar, A. Malinowska, G. Gruschka), quasi-documentary (J. Durski, F. Netz, A. Lysko) and literary (A. Dziewit-Meller, L. Libera, I. Villqist).
PL
Treścią artykułu jest analiza losu górnośląskiego dziecka w okresie totalitarnym (okupacja hitlerowska, okres stalinowski). Fizycznie porwane przez okupanta i przejęte przez jego rodzinę albo narażone na indoktrynację w szkole lub innej instytucji wychowawczej poddawane było ono najczęściej wykluczającym modelom nauczania w duchu polskim lub niemieckim. Niejednokrotnie metody formowania były wyrafinowane – dzieci przekupywano, kuszono, uwodzono. Do analizy tej sytuacji wykorzystana zostaje interpretacja wiersza Johanna W. Goethego Król olch, w której dominantą jest walka o duszę dziecka pomiędzy naturalnym sprzymierzeńcem (rodzic) i przychodzącym z zewnątrz przeciwnikiem (król); wizja królestwa elfów zestawiona jest tu z totalitarną utopią społeczeństwa – silnego i doskonałego, rasowo lub z wizją Polski – społeczeństwa pozbawionego różnic, a jednocześnie doskonale antyniemieckiego. Pod uwagę zostały wzięte zarówno teksty dokumentalne (R. Hrabar, A. Malinowska, G. Gruschka), jak i quasi-dokumentalne (J. Durski, F. Netz, A. Lysko) oraz artystyczne (A. Dziewit-Meller, L. Libera, I. Villqist).
The article is devoted to the subject of political journalism by Helena Lemańska, in 1949–1967 editor-in-chief of the Polish Film Newsreel (Polish: Polska Kronika Filmowa). The text aims to present the relationship between Lemańska’s leftist worldview and her form of practising film propaganda and its evolution: from a tool of political indoctrination to a film mirror in which the social reality of Poland in the years of ‘little stabilization’ was reflected.
PL
Tematem artykułu jest publicystyka polityczna Heleny Lemańskiej, w latach 1949–1967 redaktorki naczelnej Polskiej Kroniki Filmowej. Tekst ma na celu wskazanie zależności pomiędzy lewicowym światopoglądem dziennikarki a uprawianą przez nią formą filmowej propagandy i jej ewolucją: od narzędzia politycznej indoktrynacji do filmowego zwierciadła, w którym odbijała się rzeczywistość społeczna Polski lat „małej stabilizacji”.
Artykuł dotyczy problematyki organizacji akcji masowego szkolenia ideologicznego nauczycieli w Polsce Ludowej w latach 1949–1956. Obejmuje jej wycinek związany z działalnością powiatowych instruktorów samokształcenia ideologicznego, którzy byli niezwykle istotnym ogniwem tego procesu, realizowanego przez Związek Nauczycielstwa Polskiego. Opracowanie skupia się na praktycznej stronie ich aktywności, polegającej przede wszystkim na organizacji, prowadzeniu i nadzorze nad pracą zespołów szkolenia ideologicznego w szkołach. Temat ten jest przedstawiony na przykładzie działalności instruktorów miasta Tarnowa i powiatu tarnowskiego, u schyłku okresu stalinizmu w PRL. Celem masowego szkolenia ideologicznego była indoktrynacja środowiska nauczycielskiego, tak aby uczący byli gotowi do realizacji nowych programów nauczania, zaznajomili się z nową terminologią filozofii, socjologii i ekonomii politycznej, a także naukami pedagogicznymi opartymi na marksizmie-leninizmie. Tym samym mieli włączyć się w budowanie socjalistycznego państwa, zgodnie z oczekiwaniami partii komunistycznej.
EN
The article concerns the organization of mass ideological training of teachers in People's Poland in the years 1949-1956. It includes a section related to the activity of poviat ideological training instructors of teachers who were an extremely important link in this process, carried out by the Polish Teachers' Union. The study focuses on the practical side of their activity, consisting primarily in the organization, management and supervision of the work of ideological training team schools. This topic is presented based on the example of the activities of the instructors of the city of Tarnów and the Tarnów poviat, at the end of the Stalinist period in the Polish People's Republic. The aim of mass ideological training was to indoctrinate the teaching community so that teachers were ready to implement new curricula, became familiar with the new terminology of philosophy, sociology and political economy, as well as pedagogical sciences based on Marxism-Leninism. Thus, they were to contribute to building a socialist state, in line with the expectations of the communist party.
The new political order imposed and forced on Poland by foreign powers was accompanied by the communist authorities ‘softening’ society with logical arguments. This was done in order to demonstrate the legitimacy of the implemented solutions for rebuilding the pre-war concepts related to the raison d’etat. Thus, the primacy of specific state interests was placed over other public and private values, including sovereignty, independence and their position in international relations. The messages consistently implemented by them were adapted to all ages and intellectual levels. These were to shape a new man, a tangible personification of the system’s future victories. They Cut off individuals from objective sources of information, and thus the basic intellectual values of existence in the public space, while subjecting people to the constant pressure of doctrinal novelties, including even the most nonsense claims. In the long run, the result was to make people lose their sense of truth and adopt to monopolistic, manipulated ideological messages about reality. The Polish authorities in exile and the elite of emigrant journalism tried to methodologically counteract this social engineering, whose efforts in this regard are approximated in the article. The subject of comparative scientific analysis were the mechanisms and instruments of communist propaganda that had an impact on Polish society. This includes methods adopted by the political elites of the emigrant milieu to counteract these unfavorable phenomena. Part of it was also a confrontation of two opposing publications by the national politician Adam Rapacki and an émigré journalist Józef Kisielewski. In the summary, the author pointed out that the main problem that the forced emigration could not cope with was the progressive and unconquerable ideological isolation of Central and Eastern Europe at that time from Western democracy ruling according to the principles of democracy. Consequently, there was a serious limit to the possibility of influencing the indoctrination message coming from the political opponent based on Soviet experience. In his opinion, the analysis of propaganda mechanisms of social incapacitation used in the last century and selected measures to counteract the threat that limits the sovereign’s subjectivity will help eliminate or limit future aspirations of potential followers of the former elite in leadership.
PL
Narzuconemu Polsce siłą przez obce mocarstwa nowemu ładowi politycznemu towarzyszyło prowadzone przez władze komunistyczne „zmiękczanie” społeczeństwa logicznymi argumentami, które miały wykazać zasadność wprowadzonych rozwiązań przebudowujących przedwojenne pojęcia związane z racją stanu, a więc nadrzędnością określonych interesów państwa nad innymi wartościami publicznymi i prywatnymi, w tym między innymi jego suwerennością, niezależnością i pozycją w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Wdrażany przez nie konsekwentnie, dostosowany do każdego wieku i poziomu intelektualnego przekaz, miał ukształtować nowego człowieka, będącego namacalną personifikacją przyszłych zwycięstw systemu. Odcięcie jednostek od obiektywnych źródeł informacji, a zatem podstawowych wartości intelektualnej egzystencji w przestrzeni publicznej, z jednoczesnym poddawaniem ich nieustającemu naciskowi nowości doktrynalnych, w tym choćby najbardziej nonsensownych twierdzeń, skutkować miało w dłuższej perspektywie zatraceniem przez nie poczucia prawdy i przyjęciem monopolistycznych, zmanipulowanych na ideologiczny użytek przekazów o rzeczywistości. Próbowały metodologicznie przeciwdziałać tej inżynierii społecznej władze RP na uchodźstwie oraz elity emigracyjnego dziennikarstwa, których wysiłki w tym zakresie zostały przybliżone w artykule. Przedmiotem porównawczej analizy naukowej były mechanizmy i instrumenty oddziaływania propagandy komunistycznej na polskie społeczeństwo oraz przyjęte przez polityczne elity środowisk wychodźczych metody przeciwdziałania tym niekorzystnym dla niej zjawiskom. Jej część stanowiła również konfrontacja dwóch przeciwstawnych sobie publikacji, autorstwa krajowego polityka – Adama Rapackiego oraz emigracyjnego publicysty – Józefa Kisielewskiego. W podsumowaniach autor zwrócił uwagę, że głównym problemem, z którym nie mogło uporać się przymusowe wychodźstwo, była postępująca i niepokonywalna ówcześnie ideologiczna izolacja Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej od rządzącej się według zasad demokracji zachodniej części kontynentu, a w ślad za tym – poważne ograniczenie możliwości wpływania na indoktrynacyjny przekaz ze strony bazującego na sowieckich doświadczeniach przeciwnika politycznego. W jego ocenie analiza zastosowanych w ubiegłym wieku mechanizmów propagandowego ubezwłasnowolniania społeczeństwa i wybranych środków przeciwdziałania temuż ograniczającemu podmiotowość suwerena zagrożeniu, pozwoli wyeliminować lub ograniczyć na przyszłość zapędy potencjalnych naśladowców minionych elit przywódczych.
Działalność księży Stanisława Połetka oraz Stefana Rzemieńca stanowiła przykład bezkompromisowej walki z dyktaturą komunistyczną w Polsce. Byli oddanymi sługami nauki Kościoła katolickiego oraz obrońcami suwerenności i demokracji. Zapłacili za to wysoką cenę. Skazani na kary bezwzględnego pozbawienia wolności mieli poddać się indoktrynacji Polski „ludowej”. W latach 1949-1955 duchowni stanowili cel numer jeden dla władz partyjno-państwowych, których próbowano zmarginalizować za wszelką cenę, m.in. poprzez podkopywanie ich autorytetu i poparcia społecznego. Mimo nagonki na polskich duchownych, pozostali oni aż do 1989 roku najbardziej nieprzejednanymi oponentami poprzedniego systemu.
EN
The activity of priests Stanisław Połetka and Stefan Rzemieniec was an example of an uncompromising fight with the communist dictatorship in Poland. They were devoted servants of the Catholic teaching and defendants of the sovereignty and de-mocracy, for which they paid a high price. Sentenced to absolute imprisonment, they were to be subjected to indoctrination of the “People’s” Poland. In the years 1949 - 1955 clergy constituted the main aim for the state and party authorities, which tried to marginalise them as much as possible, among others by undermining their authority and social support. Despite the smear campaign, Polish priest remained the most intransigent opponents of the system until 1989.
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