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EN
The article is devoted to the novel Crusaders (1935) by the Polish novelist Zofia Kossak (1889–1968). It discusses the author’s hypothesis about the Polish participation in the First Crusade (1096–1099). The article focuses on the possible interpretation of the novel in the spirit of the philosophy of Polish Messianism. The accession to the Crusade forces by the Silesian warriors can be considered as an act of redemption for the sins of the whole Polish nation as well as a pilgrimage to Poland being regarded as visiting the Promised Land. The psychological aspects of the first (according to the novel) participation of Polish armed forc-es in an international military expedition are also considered in terms of tribal solidarity, consolidating the role of Christianity and pagan traditions that had a significant impact on Poles at the end of the eleventh century.
EN
The Arthurian legends have fascinated and inspired people for ages. Le Morte D’Arthur by Sir Thomas Malory is one of the best compilations of the stories about King Arthur and his peers. This romance deals with the enchanting world of knightly rituals and the ideals of the chivalric code. It is not a typical romance blindly glorifying the medieval world, though. Written in the time when these ideals are passing, the prose is dominated on the one hand, by melancholy and sentiment, but on the other, by irony and ambiguity. Malory seems to question the chivalric code through inconsistencies of his characters’ behaviour, and absurdity of some situations they are involved in. The paper will focus on the ambivalent and comic picture of the courtly love ideals in Malory’s prose. The main source of failure of some of the Arthurian knights in this aspect of knightly life is the clash between the real chivalric practice and the imagined ideals they pursue.
EN
The Arthurian legends have fascinated and inspired people for ages. Le Morte D’Arthur by Sir Thomas Malory is one of the best compilations of the stories about King Arthur and his peers. This romance deals with the enchanting world of knightly rituals and the ideals of the chivalric code. It is not a typical romance blindly glorifying the medieval world, though. Written in the time when these ideals are passing, the prose is dominated on the one hand, by melancholy and sentiment, but on the other, by irony and ambiguity. Malory seems to question the chivalric code through inconsistencies of his characters’ behaviour, and absurdity of some situations they are involved in. The paper will focus on the ambivalent and comic picture of the courtly love ideals in Malory’s prose. The main source of failure of some of the Arthurian knights in this aspect of knightly life is the clash between the real chivalric practice and the imagined ideals they pursue.
EN
In the opinion of the author of this article, Żeromski, showing a tragic picture of the January Uprising in Ravens and Crows Will Peck Us to Pieces, runs very skillfully polemic with the views of Stanislaw Tarnowski, both political and social, which are summarized in the hearing From the experiences and reflections, as well as the aesthetic-literary ones, expressed among other things in the works devoted to Arthur Grottger, Polish romantics or in reviews of Sienkiewicz’s historical novels. Irydion and Konrad Wallenrod play a special role in the intricate network of intertextual references presenting in Żeromski’s story. Count Stanislaw Tarnowski spoke many times about these literary works, occupying a unique position in the minds of Poles living in the 19th century. His writings designate the area of controversy, which is the foundation of imaginative and ideological construction of Żeromski’s story Ravens and Crows Will Peck Us to Pieces.
EN
The High Book of the Grail, the Vengeance Raguidel and the Livre d’Artus include a scene in which a damsel offers a lurid inversion of desire, concerning not a knight conceived as a being, but seen as an object she possesses through death. The decapitation that she aims to make the knight undergo shows a viciation of feminine desire, which turns into a sulphureous veneration of his corporeal relic.
FR
Le Haut Livre du Graal, la Vengeance Raguidel et le Livre d’Artus présentent une scène-miroir dans laquelle une demoiselle figure une inversion macabre du désir, qui ne porte plus sur un sujet chevaleresque inaugurant une relation courtoise, mais sur un chevalier devenu objet et véritablement possédé dans la mort. La décapitation qu’elle projette de lui faire subir manifeste une viciation du désir féminin, qui dégénère en un culte sulfureux de sa relique corporelle.
EN
This article presents the literary creation of the title character Zawisza the Black [Zawisza Czarny] by Juliusz Słowacki. It is important to define the roles which Zawisza plays – he appears as a knight, a defender of the Commonwealth – “lover of the homeland”, and Laura’s lover.
PL
Celem artykułu jest próba zaprezentowania literackiej kreacji tytułowego bohatera dramatu Juliusza Słowackiego Zawisza Czarny. Istotne wydają się rozważania na temat ról, w których występuje Zawisza – jako rycerz, obrońca Rzeczypospolitej – „kochanek ojczyzny” oraz kochanek Laury.
EN
The article approaches the culture problem between myths about extraordinary bravery of Polish men and the historical facts which are different from this stereotype. This article focuses on the roots of the myth and its permanent place in Polish culture.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy kwestii o charakterze kulturowym. Jest próbą konfrontacji mitu o szczególnej waleczności Polaków z rzeczywistością historyczną, która od tego stereotypu jest odległa. Ponadto rozważania dotyczą przyczyn ukształtowania się takiego mitu i jego stałej obecności w kulturze narodowej Polaków.
EN
The paper is an attempt to present the influence of the Polish martial art onto European armies of the 18th and 19th centuries. It is a specific paradox that Poland, non-existant as a state on the map of Europe, made greater impact with its military training in armies of Europe than during the period of being great and victorious. When Poland lost its independence, Polish army was incorporated into the annexation armies: Russian, Austrian and Prussian where in many cases was a source of training and knowledge on sabre and lance usage. A part of the army non-compliant with annexation joined the Napoleon’s army and countries fighting for independence and so called “Your and our freedom” where fighting valiantly was an example for other. The attitude, bravery and combat skills as well as look and gear of the Polish soldier made many western armies adopt the style, armour and martial art. Unfortunately, lack of our own state left us with no possibility of full recognition and verification of our martial art. Hence even the name “Polish martial art” could not be widely mentioned as there was no country bearing the name “Poland”. There were but Poles mentioned as soldiers of prowess. We were presented as an example, but not preserved as a Polish one which it deserved. The Hungarians possessed their state, their place on the map of Europe therefore their fencing survived, having conditions for development and preservation. Nowadays Polish traditions of martial art are promoted in periodicals and scientific conferences because their content and subject meet the definition of the martial art as perceived in the humanistic theory of martial arts as well as in the broad definition adopted by the American theory of culture [Cynarski 2013]. The above paper’s aim is to drag attention to that fact and encourage further researches into the subject.
PL
Artykuł jest próbą ukazania wpływów polskiej sztuki walki na armie europejskie XVIII i XIX w. Swoistym paradoksem jest to, że Polska, która znikła z mapy Europy jako państwo, swoim wyszkoleniem wojskowym wywarła większy wpływ na armie europejskie niż gdy była wielka i zwycięska. Gdy Polska utraciła niepodległość, wojsko polskie zostało wcielone do armii zaborczych: Rosji, Austrii i Prus, gdzie w wielu przypadkach było wzorem wyszkolenia i źródłem wiedzy do walki szablą i lancą. To wojsko zaś, które nie pogodziło się z utratą niepodległości weszło, w skład armii napoleońskiej i krajów walczących o niepodległość oraz tzw. „za waszą i naszą wolność", gdzie bijąc się bohatersko dawały przykład innym. Postawa ta, dzielność i umiejętność walki, a także wyjątkowy wygląd i ubiór żołnierza polskiego sprawiły, że wiele armii zachodnich przejęło polski wzór ubioru, uzbrojenia i sztuki walki. Niestety, brak własnego kraju pozbawił nas możliwości pełnej identyfikacji i weryfikacji polskiej sztuki walki. Nie mogła się więc przebić szerzej nazwa polska sztuka walki, bo nie było kraju o takiej nazwie. Mówiło się, że Polacy to świetni żołnierze, ale nic poza tym. Brano z nas wzór, ale nie utrwalano go jako polski, jak na to zasługiwał i co było prawdą. Węgrzy mieli swoje państwo, mieli swoje miejsce na mapie Europy, więc ich szermierka przetrwała, bo w przeciwieństwie do naszej miała warunki do rozwoju i utrwalania. Obecnie polskie tradycje sztuki walki promowane są w czasopismach i na konferencjach naukowych ponieważ ich treść i tematyka pasuje do definicji sztuk walki przyjętych w humanistycznej teorii sztuk walki, a także do szerokiej definicji przyjętej w amerykańskiej antropologii kultury [Cynarski 2013]. Powyższy artykuł ma więc zwrócić uwagę na ten fakt i zachęcić do dalszych badań w tym zakresie.
EN
In his epic paraphrase of Konrad Wallenrod [Konrad Wallenrod], Słowacki did not polemise with Mickiewicz’s poem. He rather discovered and explained the genesian sense of its content. It’s hard to call this “rewriting Mickiewicz”, as it has been described by Alina Witkowska. One can rather interpret it as creating a genesian narrative using the content and style of Mickiewicz’s works. In the second half of the 1840s, the author of Dziady [Forefathers’ Eve], Konrad Wallenrod [Konrad Wallenrod], and Pan Tadeusz [Sir Thaddeus] stopped interesting Słowacki as an individual of extraordinary worldview, imagination, and talent. He became instead one of many significant, homeric voices of the “spirit of the world”, spirit of the history. However, in his genesian narrative Słowacki used not only Mickiewicz’s texts, but also those of his own. Moreover, he used works of other masters in whom he recognised signs of prophetism: Homer, Dante, Ariosto, Shakespeare, Calderon, etc. In the epic fragment [Konrad Wallenrod] [Konrad Wallenrod], he presented a collective vision of Lithuanian bards – midair knights, who foretell ground-breaking events that were to happen in Lithuania. This vision is an evidence that the prophetic song, as a revelation of secrets of God or the spirit of history, does not belong to only one singer. On the contrary, reading and explaining the revealed truths is a collective task.
PL
Słowacki, parafrazując Konrada Wallenroda, nie polemizował z tym utworem, lecz odkrywał i tłumaczył genezyjski sens zawartego w nim przekazu. Trudno to nazwać „pisaniem Mickiewicza”, jak określiła osobliwą praktykę twórczą poety Alina Witkowska. Można mówić raczej o „pisaniu Mickiewiczem” − tworzeniu narracji genezyjskiej treścią i stylem jego dzieł. W drugiej połowie lat czterdziestych autor Dziadów, Konrada Wallenroda i Pana Tadeusza przestał interesować Słowackiego jako jednostka wyróżniająca się określonym światopoglądem, wyobraźnią, talentem. Stał się dla niego jednym z głosów − doniosłych, homeryckich − za pośrednictwem których przemawia „duch świata”, duch dziejów. Nie tylko jednak „Mickiewiczem” pisał poeta opowieść genezyjską, lecz także utworami własnymi. Pisał ją również dziełami innych mistrzów: Homera, Dantego, Ariosta, Szekspira, Calderona i in., w których dostrzegał oznaki profetyzmu. W epickim urywku [Konrad Wallenrod] wspólna, zbiorowa wizja wajdelotów, tj. obraz napowietrznych rycerzy − zwiastunów przełomowych zdarzeń mających w przyszłości rozegrać się na Litwie − dowodzi, że pieśń jako objawienie tajników działania Boga czy duchów w historii nie jest własnością jednego śpiewaka, że odczytywanie i tłumaczenie prawd objawionych jest zadaniem kolektywnym.
EN
Agata Seweryn’s book Światłocienie i dysonanse. O Norwidzie i tradycji literackiej [Chiaroscuro and dissonances. About Norwid and literary tradition] (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2013) by its subtitle clarifies the question. Outlined here by author of the review the concept of tradition in Norwid not preclude what Agata Seweryn wrote in her book. Her purpose was primarily to recognize and describe the whole area allusions in the work Norwid to the heritage of former literature. Therefore, uttered here criticism concerning only certain aspects of the considerations outlined in the book, do not undermine its value for modern Norwidology.
EN
The article considers the importance of military service in social advancement, here understood as filling the role of “prince” in feudal law and thus participating in the government of an estate, in the transition from the Late Middle Ages to the Renaissance or Early Modern Age. In the context of a city burgher or a petty noble or knight advancing into a government role, did honour require that the individual have experience in fighting – in war, military organisation and leadership? How did mercenaries figure? What role, if any, did Fechtmeister, Fechtbücher, Fechtschulen or Kriegsbücher play?
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Norwid z epoki baroku?

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EN
Agata Seweryn’s book  Światłocienie i dysonanse. O Norwidzie i tradycji literackiej [Chiaroscuro and dissonances. About Norwid and literary tradition] (Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, 2013) by its subtitle clarifies the question. Outlined here by author of the review the concept of tradition in Norwid not preclude what Agata Seweryn wrote in her book. Her purpose was primarily to recognize and describe the whole area allusions in the work Norwid to the heritage of former literature. Therefore, uttered here criticism concerning only certain aspects of the considerations outlined in the book, do not undermine its value for modern Norwidology.
EN
From the very beginning of his artistic career Oskar Kokoschka systematically used historical, literary and mythological persons, whose figures, being recognizable in culture, facilitated the expression of his own psychological states and life experiences. The young painter, familiar with the classic works of literature, was also fascinated by music. One of his most vivid musical memories mentioned in an interview after more than half a century, was connected with his visits at the Vienna opera horse where he hare heard concerts directed by Gustav Mahler. A an especially enduring memory was that of the performance of R. Wagner’s drama Tristan und Isolde. From that time on the story of the mythical couple of lovers dominated the artist’s imagination, and after his meeting with Gustav's widow, Alma Mahler, he was able to assume a personified figure involving all the three people. As a result Kokoschka and Alma's love affair was supposed to develop according to the historical and mythical scenario of the medieval, and originally Celtic, saga. The artist first played the role of a life-guardsman seeking the favor of the patron of the Vienna cultural elite, and also seeking the hand of the inaccessible „queen” left by the dead director, „the old king”. Having won her acceptance the painter was able to be in her good graces for some time as her lover. However, a tragic turnabout, and at the same time the end of the relation, was inevitably inscribed in the process, in which the „young pretender” Kokoschka, having entered the role of the king, next had to give way to the next candidate. Stages of this symbolic process can be seen in Kokoschka’s letters as well as in his literary and visual works from the period of his relationship with Alma Mahler in the years 1912-1915, when one compares the facts from the protagonists’ lives with, among others, the medieval versions of the Tristan legend and its version composed by Wagner.
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