Search results - CEJSH

1

„Poeci na barykady!” – O rewolucyjnym charakterze poezji Euromajdanu

100%

Barłowski D.

Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne

|

2020

|

vol. 16

|

issue 2

1-14

EN

In this article, I analyse reactions of writers belonging to the “Young Ukraine” to the Euromaidan. In the first part, I define the specific character of the “Young Ukraine”. In the next part, I present the volume Nebesna Sotnya/ Heaven’s Hundred Heroes as a form of resistance against the authorities. In the third part, I focus on the writings of Andriy Lyubka in the context of the pro-EU revolution. Finally, I describe the literary reaction to the end of the Euromaidan (focussing mainly on the writings of Lyubka).

2

CasaPound Italia: Návrat a nástup historického fašismu?

94%

Dlouhý M.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

|

2015

|

issue 1

65-89

EN

The aim of this article is to describe ideology, activists' strategy and official and unofficial structure of the largest neo-fascist movement in Italy. Th is text focuses on Italian neo-fascist group CasaPound Italia and analyses three ideological pillars in relation to liberal democracy, macro- and micro-economy and conception of the nation. The second part deals with various work and youth sections of CasaPound Italia and their role in the neo-fascist movement. The final section attempts to uncover informal structure of the group and points out the discrepancy between the public presentation and that for the radical activist core. The article is based on the analysis of printed and archive material, websites monitoring, interviews with activists and participation in demonstrations, blockades and social events of CasaPound Italia in the period between 20 April and 31 July 2014.

3

Emancypacja w czasach ołowiu. Herbert Marcuse a kwestia przemocy

94%

Pluciński P.

Nowa Krytyka

|

2011

|

issue 26-27

357–364

EN

The article examines violence as a means of emancipatory action in the thought of Herbert Marcuse. Ambivalent character of the relation between radical social theory and radical action is presented as well as pragmatic justifications for potentially “purifying” function of violence.

4

Nekonečný příběh? Ruská revoluce podle současné anglosaské historiografie

94%

Vydra Z.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

|

2018

|

vol. 104

|

issue 3

657-676

EN

The study deals with contemporary Anglo-Saxon historiography and its interpretation of the Russian Revolution (1917). The author analyses and evaluates the current trends in Anglo-Saxon historiography using the example of four new syntheses of the history of the revolution from 2017-2018.

5

Marksizm, neomarksizm, postmarksizm

94%

Kochan J.

Nowa Krytyka

|

2012

|

issue 28

33-51

EN

The main goal of the paper is to discuss whether it is possible to build a contemporary version of Marxist theory based on what was the core of Karl Marx’ theoretical system e.d. theory of the class struggle and theory of the antycapitalist revolution. Any attempt to build such theory encounters epistemological obstacles and theoretical problems connected with issues such as: Bolshevik revolution, phenomenon of “Solidarity” and the fall of real socialism in the East Europe, TINA and the end of history. The thesis of the paper is that to continue Marx’s idea of the world revolution we have to deal with these problems and overcome the obstacles.

6

K charakterizaci anarchismu 19. století prostřednictvím jeho vybraných osobností

94%

Tomek V.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

|

2018

|

vol. 104

|

issue 3

487-515

EN

In the second half of the 19th century, anarchism presents itself in certain characteristic signs and manifestations. Although the representatives of anarchism themselves willingly emphasize the originality of their ideas and their resistance to doctrine, their ideas come closer in the radical critique of economic and social relations, in the criticism of the Church and religion, as well as the sharp criticism of the other political parties, but at the same time they differ in their individual accents of their negation of the existing circumstances. The anarchistic level of their critique leads them from individual negation all the way to demands for a radical transformation of society, to different ideas about the nature of revolutionary behaviour, and the character of revolutionary change. From there, various forms and concepts of the future “post-revolution” society, visions of the anticipated freedom, on the character of the new social relations developed. For the characterization of the anarchism of the given period, the personalities of its French representative Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the Russian revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin, the former German MP Johann Most, the original scientist Peter Kropotkin and the university educated German socialist Gustav Landauer and the entirely differently thinking Young Hegelian Max Stirner were chosen.

7

Idea przeobrażenia świata w środowisku rosyjskiej inteligencji

94%

Kaźmierczyk Z.

Acta Neophilologica

|

2019

|

vol. XXI/2

77-90

EN

This paper displays the birth of the Russian intelligentsia and demonstrates the differences between educated people and members of the intelligentsia. It proves that each member of the intelligentsia is educated, while not every educated person is a member of the intelligentsia. Such a person needs to be fanatically devoted to the idea of the emancipation of the people, which is followed by atheists. The paper distinguishes the Russian intelligentsia and the Polish intelligentsia. It discovers the destructiveness of the intelligentsia based on the Gnostic-Manichaean foundation. It emphasizes the anti-worldness of the secularization of religious beliefs and ideas which are averse to the world as such. It proves that the Russian idea of the world transformation is motivated by destructive desires: hatred towards life, towards existence in bodily and physical mortal life. The author of the paper proves that the response to the destructive potential of the idea of the absolute world transformation triggered the beginnings of the Russian religious rebirth – the return to the metahistorical dimension of the Russian idea.

8

PARADYGMATY REWOLUCJI A WYDARZENIA PO 2015 ROKU W POLSCE

94%

Pastuszewski S.

Eunomia – Rozwój Zrównoważony – Sustainable Development

|

2018

|

issue 1(94)

69-90

EN

The analysis of changes in Poland after 2015 based on the paradigm of the revolution has not proved unambiguously that these changes are a revolution, according to commonly accepted schemes. It showed that these changes have many features of the revolution. It is a self-limiting revolution. All changes that have taken place since 2015 destroys the system of liberal democracy, but retains its source, the system of corporate capitalism. Against the expectations of the masses, increases the oppressiveness of the state apparatus. Perhaps it is a new type of revolution, because historically speaking, the revolution always redefined itself. If we assume that Solidarity transformations was itself a new type of the revolution, then the changes after 2015, which are their generative continuation, are such kind of revolution.

9

On the Unpredictability of Revolutions Why did Polish Sociology Fail to Forecast Solidarity?

94%

Sułek A.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2010

|

vol. 168

|

issue 4

523-538

EN

The 1989–1981 Solidarity revolution took everybody by surprise: the political authorities, the democratic opposition and the observers of social life in Poland. It also took the sociologists by surprise. This essay tries to explain why Polish sociology did not forecast Solidarity. The author argues that the reason for this failure lies in the fact that the birth of Solidarity was a revolutionary, and therefore naturally unpredictable, event. It was also an unprecedented one. It was the first anti-totalitarian revolution. He also points out that major social conflict was unthinkable in the context of mainstream theories and did not fit into Polish sociologists’ ideas concerning their own society. He recognizes that the amazement which Solidarity evoked stimulated reflection which led to a deeper understanding of social process and the nature of prediction in sociology.

10

La Révolution comme catastrophe chez André Malraux et Georges Bataille

94%

Bowd G.

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

|

2020

|

vol. 9

245-254

EN

In his review of La Condition humaine, Georges Bataille asserts that André Malraux’s novel shows how revolutionary power is based, in its psychological structure, on a catastrophe, on the lasting consciousness of a catastrophe upon which has depended the fate of multitudes. From this reading of Malraux, we will explore the catastrophic vision of Bataille himself in his novel Le Bleu du ciel and his essays for Contre-Attaque, written in the course of the 1930s, but, in the case of Le Bleu du ciel, only published more than twenty years afterwards. In the face of a “rising tide of murder” that seems to make the triumph of fascism and war inevitable, the failure of his dream of a “Popular Front in the street” is embodied in the political and erotic impotence of the troubling character of Henri Troppmann. Bataille’s dead-end contrasts brutally with the publicly committed work of Malraux, who seems to offer an alternative vision of revolutionary fate. But are there similarities between the “committed” novelist Malraux and the “shameful” one that is Bataille? Both writers show a profound interest in the sacred, which transcends a narrowly political frame.

11

Hegel, revolution, and the rule of law

94%

Ramet S. P.

Eastern Review

|

2020

|

vol. 9

9-31

EN

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel was one of the philosophic giants of the nineteenth century. Well versed in both ancient and more recent philosophical tracts, he rejected the individualism of Hobbes and Locke, as well as their notion that the state was an agency set up in the first place to protect life and property, and, drawing inspiration from Aristotle, outlined a vision of the state as an agency bound, in the first place, to protect the weak and the powerless. Hegel further rejected Kant’s individualistic ethics and counseled that ethical behavior had to be understood as taking place in a social context, with real duties toward other people. For Hegel, an individual had rights and duties within the context of the family, in the community, and, as a citizen, vis-à-vis the state. He emphasized the network of duties in which each individual finds himself, urging political moderation and concern for the good of the entire community. He has been condemned as a proto-totalitarian, lauded as a democrat of sorts, and described variously as liberal, anti-liberal, authoritarian, conservative-monarchist, and constitutionalist. This essay will argue that Hegel came to champion a constitutional-legal order (Rechtsstaat) under an autocratic monarch, with protection for liberal values. The absolute authority of the monarch, thus, was limited to those powers which he needed in order to advance and protect the interests of the citizens of the realm.

12

Realizacja porewolucyjnych przemian politycznych na Ukrainie w kontekście perspektywy konsolidacji demokracji

94%

Lesnyak V.

Konteksty Społeczne

|

2016

|

vol. 4

|

issue 2

6-18

EN

The article is an attempt of analysis of democratic consolidation perspectives in Ukraine under conditions of political changes realization after the Orange Revolution and after the Revolution of Dignity. Special attention is paid to the problems that limit democratization and modernization of Ukrainian political system. The state of democracy development in post-revolutionary conditions is compared. Prospects of consolidated democracy development in Ukraine are determined.

13

Obwarowani innością – zbuntowana młodzież w „Końcu westernu” Jana Józefa Szczepańskiego

94%

Fride B.

Jednak Książki. Gdańskie Czasopismo Humanistyczne

|

2017

|

issue 8 "Jak czytać (pop)literaturę?"

225-242

EN

The article offers a reading of Jan Józef Szczepański’s Koniec westernu (focusing on its sub-chapter Rewolucja dzieciaków) in the light of postcolonial theory. Having himself experienced political oppression in Polish People’s Republic, Szczepański developed a type of postcolonial sensibility, which gave him a unique perspective on the problems of post-war United States. This context and his biography help to point out particular features of Szczepański’s picture of the hippies who experience social exclusion in the US. They feel alienated from middle-class society which they see as dominated by materialism, and they evolve their own lifestyle.

14

Rewolucje Mieczysława Szczuki

84%

Więcek-Gigla A.

Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne

|

2010

EN

The article presents Mieczysław Szczuka, a visual artist, graphic designer and architect from Warsaw. His activities at the turn of the 20th century greatly contributed to the emergence of New Arts: he was a pioneer of constructivism in Poland, he created the first Polish photomontages, he argued in favour of giving the arts back to the proletariat. His radical, extremely leftist views made him a loner in his hard struggle for a revolution in the arts (and, in the long run, also in the society).

15

„Bliżej krwiobiegu”? Bunt ciał w poezji polskiej lat pięćdziesiątych i sześćdziesiątych XX wieku (Kristeva, Poświatowska i inni)

84%

Kopkiewicz A.

Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne

|

2017

|

vol. 9

|

issue 1

315-328

EN

The article presents a constellation of poets who in the 1950s and 1960s of the 20th c. expressed their protest by means of extreme personalization of their poetic voice: an exposure of their – primarily corporeal – intimacy. Their poetry is compared with the theory of Julia Kristeva whose concept of “revolution in poetic language” appeared at the similar time and – similarly – was intended for support of the potentially subversive work of language. As it turns out, strategies for negation encompassed in the poetry of S. Grochowiak, R. Wojaczek, A. Bursa or S. Czycz solidify death drive and trauma and, as a result, negation is not transformed. Such transformation, however, does happen in the poetry of Halina Poświatowska whose creative subjectivity is open to various affects and sensual experiences, which shows itself in her poetic language: metaphorical and vivid. It is such a poetic language, which expresses its aesthetic autonomy in a positive way, that finally opens up the aesthetic emancipatory potential.

16

Around 1948: The “Gentle Revolution” and Art History

83%

Markowska A.

Artium Quaestiones

|

2019

|

issue 30

137-160

EN

Just like after World War I Italy experienced a transition from modernism to fascism, after World II Poland experienced a passage from modernism to quasi-communism. The symbol of the first stage of the communist revolution in Poland right after the war, the so-called “gentle revolution,” was Pablo Picasso, whose work was popularized not so much because of its artistic value, but because of his membership in the communist party. The second, repressive stage of the continued came in 1949–1955, to return after the so-called thaw to Picasso and the exemplars of the École de Paris. However, the imagery of the revolution was associated only with the socialist realism connected to the USSR even though actually it was the adaptation of the École de Paris that best expressed the revolution’s victory. In the beginning, its moderate program, strongly emphasizing the national heritage as well as financial promises, made the cultural offer of the communist regime quite attractive not only for the left. Thus, the gentle revolution proved to be a Machiavellian move, disseminating power to centralize it later more effectively. On the other hand, the return to the Paris exemplars resulted in the aestheticization of radical and undemocratic changes. The received idea that the evil regime was visualized only by the ugly socialist realism is a disguise of the Polish dream of innocence and historical purity, while it was the war which gave way to the revolution, and right after the war artists not only played games with the regime, but gladly accepted social comfort guaranteed by authoritarianism. Neither artists, nor art historians started a discussion about the totalizing stain on modernity and the exclusion of the other. Even the folk art was instrumentalized by the state which manipulated folk artists to such an extent that they often lost their original skills. Horrified by the war atrocities and their consequences, art historians limited their activities to the most urgent local tasks, such as making inventories of artworks, reorganization of institutions, and reconstruction. Mass expropriation, a consequence of the revolution, was not perceived by museum personnel as a serious problem, since thanks to it museums acquired more and more exhibits, while architects and restorers could implement their boldest plans. The academic and social neutralization of expropriation favored the birth of a new human being, which was one of the goals of the revolution. Along the ethnic homogenization of society, focusing on Polish art meant getting used to monophony. No cultural opposition to the authoritarian ideas of modernity appeared – neither the École de Paris as a paradigm of the high art, nor the folklore manipulated by the state were able to come up with the ideas of the weak subject or counter-history. Despite the social revolution, the class distinction of ethnography and high art remained unchanged.

17

Une approche post-séculière de la Révélation : l’exemple d’Edgar Quinet

83%

Guermès S.

Romanica Wratislaviensia

|

2019

|

vol. 66

13-24

EN

This article aims to demonstrate that Edgar Quinet was a precursor of the post-secularity, although he is considered a republican ideologue and defender of secularism only, without taking account of the complexity and nuances of the system he constructed. Quinet’s ideas are religious in essence: if this is left out, the body of his work is misrepresented. According to him, all political revolution derives from religious revolution; and revolution (not limited to the French Revolution) actualizes Revelation.

18

Wokół dramaturgicznego debiutu Felicjana Faleńskiego

83%

Dybizbański M.

Pamiętnik Teatralny

|

2021

|

issue 2(278)

91-109

EN

Felicjan Faleński’s unpublished, first completed drama, Smutne dzieje powstania w Dalekarlii [The Sad Story of the Uprising in Dalecarlia] from 1867, corresponds to Victor Hugo’s program, whereby a work of dramatic art should be “the past revived for the present”. Written with a fresh memory of the January Uprising of 1863, Faleński’s text tells about the rebellion of the Swedes against Danish domination in the union of Scandinavian states established by the Kalmar Union at the end of the 14th century. The play depicts the abuses of the Danes and King Eric of Pomerania, the rebellion of Swedish nobility and the popular masses led by a simple miner, the overthrow of the king, the betrayal of one of the feudal lords, the coup d’état, and the assassination. The action is arranged according to the historical mechanisms known from Shakespeare’s chronicles; in presenting the monarch’s fate, Faleński adds the Calderonian element of the rule of divine providence over the world of earthly history.

19

Wokół roku 1948: „rewolucja łagodna” i historia sztuki

83%

Markowska A.

Artium Quaestiones

|

2019

|

issue 30

367-391

PL

Just like after World War I Italy experienced a transition from modernism to fascism, after World War II Poland experienced a passage from modernism to quasi-communism. The symbol of the first stage of the communist revolution in Poland right after the war, the so-called “gentle revolution,” was Pablo Picasso, whose work was popularized not so much because of its artistic value, but because of his membership in the communist party. The second, repressive stage of the continued came in 1949–1955, to return after the so-called thaw to Picasso and the exemplars of the École de Paris. However, the imagery of the revolution was associated only with the socialist realism connected to the USSR even though actually it was the adaptation of the École de Paris that best expressed the revolution’s victory. In the beginning, its moderate program, strongly emphasizing the national heritage as well as financial promises, made the cultural offer of the communist regime quite attractive not only for the left. Thus, the gentle revolution proved to be a Machiavellian move, disseminating power to centralize it later more effectively. On the other hand, the return to the Paris exemplars resulted in the aestheticization of radical and undemocratic changes. The received idea that the evil regime was visualized only by the ugly socialist realism is a disguise of the Polish dream of innocence and historical purity, while it was the war which gave way to the revolution, and right after the war artists not only played games with the regime, but gladly accepted social comfort guaranteed by authoritarianism. Neither artists, nor art historians started a discussion about the totalizing stain on modernity and the exclusion of the other. Even the folk art was instrumentalized by the state which manipulated folk artists to such an extent that they often lost their original skills. Horrified by the war atrocities and their consequences, art historians limited their activities to the most urgent local tasks, such as making inventories of artworks, reorganization of institutions, and reconstruction. Mass expropriation, a consequence of the revolution, was not perceived by museum personnel as a serious problem, since thanks to it museums acquired more and more exhibits, while architects and restorers could implement their boldest plans. The academic and social neutralization of expropriation favored the birth of a new human being, which was one of the goals of the revolution. Along the ethnic homogenization of society, focusing on Polish art meant getting used to monophony. No cultural opposition to the authoritarian ideas of modernity appeared – neither the École de Paris as a paradigm of the high art, nor the folklore manipulated by the state were able to come up with the ideas of the weak subject or counter-history. Despite the social revolution, the class distinction of ethnography and high art remained unchanged.

20

Życie codzienne i rewolucja według Henriego Lefebvre’a

83%

Winkler A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2013

|

issue 1(23)

348-374

EN

The aim of this article is to analyse the concept of everyday life, which was used by Henri Lefebvre to build his theory of overcoming the alienation – both on the individual (as the theory of moments) and collective (in his concept of revolution as a popular festival) level. In the basic structures of everyday life Lefebvre saw the fundaments of spontaneity, human creative power that is capable of forcing its way through the alienating structures and that makes the total subjugation impossible. Moreover, placing the theory of revolution inside the concept of everyday life allows to draw particular attention to the importance of human consciousness in a revolutionary struggle. In the end, however, it seems that the categories introduced by Lefebvre, even though they create a good fundament for the discussion about the possibility of the human emancipation, cannot fully explain the phenomenon of the revolution.

Refine search results