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EN
This paper deals with bilateral relations, geopolitical strategies and normative approaches within a triangle consisting of the ‘West’, the ‘East’ and Belarus. The main focus is laid on the European Union and the Russian Federation as the key actors of the West, respectively the East. Further analysis of other Western and Eastern players’ stakes in Belarus provides a more global scope in this context. The analytical use of two models dealing with international socialisation – the rationalistinstitutionalist ‘External Incentives Model’ and the constructivist ‘Social Learning Model’ – are compared and contrasted on the basis of the European, respectively Russian Belarus- policy. Each of the following three chapters deals with one part of the triangle mentioned above. In order to give information necessary for an evaluation by the rationalist- institutionalist approach, every chapter defines strategic interests, bargaining powers and degree of influences of the actors. Societal issues, self-perception and informal relations to the other players are presented to allow a constructivist analysis. Finally, it is outlined if and how far the two models serve as an appropriate theoretical tool for a comprehensive evaluation. Furthermore, it will be asked whether these two models offer practical solutions for rapprochement within the triangle. In the context of this thesis the primary objective is to provide to recommendations and expertise for the ‘Europeanization’ of Belarus. This does however not mean that Russian interests are perceived as unjustified.
EN
The article presents the count and spatial distribution of the Polish population living on the territory of contemporary Belarus in the second half of the past century. The basis for the analysis were official population censuses which took place in the Soviet Union in 1959, 1970, 1979 and 1989 and in the Republic of Belarus in 1999 and in 2009. Two criteria of ethnicity have been considered: nationality and mother tongue. The number of Polish people has been established for the whole period on the provincial level and for 2009 on the district level. The results of subsequent censuses revealed a numerical regress of the Polish population. The article explains the reasons underlying this process, which was an effect of the existing sociopolitical situation.
EN
In this paper, we give some reasons for claiming that there are no local communities in the restricted sense or local self-government in Belarus. However, public discourse and every-day argumentations are possible only within the networks of local communities. Therefore, there is the problem of deficit of logical practices in Belarusian social life. We propose a probable solution of that problem.
EN
More than in any other European country, the modern history of Belarus is a product of World War II. The unification, homogenization and Sovietization of that country are all direct results of the war. World War II - or the Great Patriotic War, as the conflict is still called in Belarus - built legitimacy and constituted the raison d'etre for the political elite in the most conservative of the Soviet republics. The war brought to power a leadership of pro-Soviet partisans who came to dominate the political stage for four decades. Belarus unexpectedly became independent as the Soviet Union collapsed. In the political vacuum that followed the collapse of the USSR Lukashenka was able to generate support by catering to Soviet nostalgia and symbolism, particularly by recycling old Stalinist myths of war and victory, suffering and redemption. As paternalistic guardian of the state, his skillful use of the war myth has not only re-branded Soviet Belarusian patriotism and reclaimed the ground from the anti-communist nationalist movement - Lukashenka has presented the anti-communist opposition as fascists and traitors, stifled the opposition and accused the Polish minority of constituting a potential fifth column. The Great Patriotic War, or rather the myth of the war, is very much alive in Belarus, and the use of these myths have become central to Lukashenka's consolidation of power and to the remolding of a post-Soviet emerging democracy into an authoritarian autocracy of a kind unique in Europe.
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EN
The article examines the demographic and national structure of Belarus in light of the national census which took place in early 1999. That census demonstrated how the political, social, and economic transformation of the last decade influenced demography and ethnic composition in Belarus, as well as the national identity of its citizens. One such example is the Chernobyl catastrophe, which spurred migration within the Republic and also awakened the Belarusians' consciousness of national distinctness. In the period between the census of 1959 and the recent one, a permanent and significant increase in the Russian population and a limited growth of the Belorussian population were observed; simultaneously, the Polish and Jewish populations declined. The 1999 census demonstrated that this tendency was halted: the number of Russians declined (they left Belarus), while the Belarusian population increased (they keep returning home from other republics of the former Soviet empire). The article also considers the status of the Belarusian language, which is the first language of 73.7 % of citizens of Belarus, although only 36.7 % of Belarusians use it in everyday communication. Thus, the dominant position is occupied by the Russian language, which is used in everyday communication by 63 % of people of Belarus. The favored position of Russian is fostered by the policies of Alexander Lukashenko, the President of the Republic.
EN
Following the institutional part of the economic transition and the legal/political involvement in European integration process, the Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) must promote their innovation capacity and competitiveness through innovative processes and products to attain the real transition. This article analyses fiscal measures with the intention to disclose tax incentives design of three CEEC being or not being EU Member States - Slovenia, Slovakia and Belarus. The authors research whether three small open transitional economies pay enough attention to enhancing innovation by tax measures. The results of comparative analyses have shown that three CEEC have chosen different approaches and models to improve the tax treatment of Research, Development and Innovation (RDI). The differences are essential.
EN
Based on the analysis of the international rankings, favorable business environment indices are directly correlated with index of state competitiveness and the level of foreign investments. Despite intense reforms conducted in Belarus during past years private sector share in GDP remains below 30%. This could indicate both the nominal nature of reforms and the shortcomings of the methodology ratings. However, new reforms in the field of legislation and business environment regulation are being held in Belarus. These reforms are undertaken in the most problematic areas of business regulation, i.e. taxation, licensing and pricing. Even though they are not immensely intensifying Belorussian business environment, they are still improving it. If liberalization of Belorussian business climate continues, the country will be able to improve its competitiveness on global market for goods, services and foreign investments.
EN
The images of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia have been the subject of interest of Polish researchers, but they have not constituted the subject of the same study based on a uniform methodology of studies. For this reason the existing studies are incompatible and the images of the countries are difficult to compare because of the numerous methodological differences in obtaining them. The main aim of the undertaken research project was to identify the differences in the perception of the image of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia against the background of other countries, based on an identical procedure of research and of the taxonomy of associations. Studies were conducted with the use of the method of individual interview with the technique of free associations on the sample of 100 subjects aged 17 to 63. In the course of more than one-hour-long interviews 25 447 associations with 46 countries were gathered, including 1956 associations with Belarus, Russia and Ukraine that have been subjected to a detailed classification and comparative analyses. Current images of these countries have been confronted with the existing statistical data and assessments by experts.
EN
Field research in Babruysk and vincinity taken up recently is part of research of the religious language of Catholics in former North-Eastern Polish Borderland and writings of Florian Czarnyszewicz, who comes from Babruysk Disctrict, the author of several novels, the most famous of which is called Nadberezhyntsy. The article presents short history of Babruysk with special attention drawn to cultural - educational problems and the dynamics of population development in this town. It shows functioning of the Catholic Church in Babruysk District in 20th and 21st centuries. It also discusses the language situation in the researched area which is as follows: the primary language in the town is Russian with elements of Belorussian. This language demonstrates great idiolectal diversity. People who live in the country and have never left it use a Belorussian dialect (which confirms the principle that living in the country favours preserving the dialect). The Polish language is present only during the liturgy and prayers of the eldest generation. During Masses said in Polish the Polish language is used for Eucharistic Liturgy but during the Liturgy of the Word Polish is present only for the reading. The sermon is preached in Belorussian. Belorussian is also used for pastoral announcements. Numerous participants of the Mass can be the proof of attachment to the Polish language as the language of liturgy. During the research trip we visited four cemetaries where we photographed 87 tombs. As for these tombs, we were certain that they belonged to Poles (as surnames, names or father's names indicated). 33 inscriptions out of this number were engraved in Latin alphabet. We could observe mixing Latin types with Cyrillic ones. The appendix given at the end of the article contains texts of an informant from Prodwin written phonetically.
EN
The article explores the strategies of practicing “Belarusianness” in the context of migration - by Belarusians who settled in Poland with their children. It is based on empirical research concerning the biographical context of their life situation, conducted using semi-structured in-depth interviews and casual conversations. As “Belarusianness” I define a range of criteria which influence the identity of the interviewees and which imply a sense of national distinctiveness. Another analysed aspect is the parenting strategies of the interviewees in view of their emigration to Poland, and how they influence the identity formation of second generation migrants, i.e. their children.
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Denuklerizace Běloruska po roce 1991

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EN
The demise of the Soviet Union in 1991 marked the beginning of a new era in international politics. With the fall of the Soviet empire, the once biggest threat to the West's security now disappeared after more than four decades of bipolar confrontation. Yet, also entirely novel security risks arose stemming from the collapse of the world's largest nuclear superpower. On the ruins of the former Soviet Union a number of newly independent states emerged, with post-Soviet Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and Belarus, apart from Russia, having nuclear weapons deployed on their territories. This paper provides an overview of the foreign and security policy of post-Soviet Belarus in the early years of independence. In this context, it particularly focuses on the shaping of attitudes this new East European nation displayed towards the Soviet nuclear weapons legacy. The main factors underlying the decision of independent Belarus to renounce the nuclear option, commit to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and disarm are discussed.
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