Search results

1

Patterns of Libya’s instability in the aftermath of the collapse of Gaddafi ’s regime

100%

Szczepankiewicz-Rudzka E.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2016

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issue 42

227-246

EN

Four years after the end of its uprising against the Gaddafi regime, Libya remains in chaos. It is worth noting that for the third time since their independence in 1951, the Libyans’ attempts to create a modern and powerful state seem to be ‘wishful thinking’. The first two failed attempts – in 1951 and 1969 – were essentially local affairs without significant consequences beyond the country’s borders. The ongoing turmoil which followed in the wake of the Arab Spring in 2011 is leading to serious regional and international destabilization. This paper discusses the main factors of the instability in post‑Gaddafi Libya. According to the authors’ analysis, there are the following main obstacles in the process of transition toward democracy and peace: two competing governments, multiplicity of militias and combat groups operating in Libya, jihadism rising in power as well as the regional and ethnic claims for recognition and autonomy. The last part of this paper is devoted to potential scenarios for the future of Libya.

2

Muammar Kaddafi: arabski lider czarnej Afryki?

100%

Bankowicz M.

Forum Politologiczne

|

2008

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vol. 7 - Przywódcy i przywództwo we współczesnej Afryce

199-222

EN

Muammar al-Qaddafi, long standing and very eccentric dictator of Libya, have been born in 1942. During the school period he became a fervent follower of Egyptian revolutionary president Ga- mal Abdul Nasser. In 1963 Qaddafi enrolled in the Military Academy in Benghazi. On 1 September 1969 Qaddafi and his radical Pan-Arab movement called the Free Unionist Officers deposed King Idris I in almost bloodless coup. At the age of 27 he became a leader of the state. After seizing power, Qaddafi announced that among his major goals are: removal of foreign military bases, international neutrality of Libya, national unity, Arab unity and suppression of political parties. Declaring that "representation is fraud", Qaddafi proposed that he would bring to Libya a pure form of democracy. Inspired by China's Cultural Revolution and ideas of Mao Zedong, he created an enigmatic system of "popular committees" which have to had perfect mixture of Islam and socialism. Between 1971 and 1980 Libyan leader made repeated abortive attempts to unite country with various Arab states. Later he declared that Libya is "above all an African country" and became a great adherent of the African unity. By years Qaddafi was treated as a protector of various terrorist organizations and in final has broken off these relations.

3

Al Jazeera in Central European media: 9/11 and the “Arab Spring” compared

88%

Hanzal J., Balogh Á., Guzikowska M., Mezeiova G.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2015

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vol. 8

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issue 1(14)

63-78

EN

Th is article presents a study of Al Jazeera perceptions in Central European print media based on a quantitative content analysis. Th e research compares two year-long periods, which cover the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the “Arab Spring” — two sets of events that drove global attention to the region of Middle East and North Africa and beyond. Building on previous research in this fi eld, the authors analysed 94 diff erent newspapers for perceived affi liations to terrorism, using Al Jazeera as a source of information or the structure of genres in texts mentioning the station among other variables. Special emphasis is put on the case of Libyan revolutionary events.

4

Państwo w strzępach – rozwój nielegalnej gospodarki w porewolucyjnej Libii i jej wpływ na kryzys polityczny i sytuację bezpieczeństwa

88%

Wach P.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

|

2018

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issue 3-4 (267-268)

371-391

EN

The aim of this paper is to show the developments in Libya after the 17 February Revolution. For this purpose the characteristics of the Libyan state are shown along with the specifics of its three main regions. The events which led to the current political crisis are shown with an indication of the main actors who influence the situation in the country. Particular focus is directed at the development of the illicit economy that took place in the post-revolutionary conditions in the country where solid security structures are missing and peace is mainly kept by local militias who have almost no connection to the central authorities. The main argument discussed is that relationships of this kind give the regions a stronger bond than the prolonged and ineffective process of political reconciliation. Particular attention is paid to the situation in the south of the country where ethnic groups, once living in harmony, have become mortal enemies in the struggle to profit from illegal sources. Closer observation shows that the political agreement made in order to co-opt the most important actors into the governance may not be enough to implement the rule of law if the security situation does not improve significantly.

5

Politicized Economics or Economized Politics? Czechoslovak Economists and the Quest for “Third World” Development in the era of Reform Communism

88%

Buzássyová B.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2021

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issue 1-2

32-50

EN

The paper analyses the scientific discourse that informed the Czechoslovak conceptions of development studies as well as the practice of development aid. On the example of scholarly outputs of two distinguished economists working at the Institute of International Politics and Economy — Blanka Šrucová and Jan Vraný — it explores the impact and process of adaptation of recent methodological influences from abroad onto the Czechoslovak development expertise. It situates the shifts in attitude towards the developmental assistance within the broader framework of Czechoslovak (economic) reform project as well as the global debates on the effectiveness of development strategies. The article claims that Czechoslovak economists used their transnational experience gained during missions abroad not only to “domesticate” recent trends in research and suggest more effective methods of Czechoslovak developmental assistance exported to the “Third World” but also to improve the conditions of national economy

6

Leaving and Returning “Home”: The Elusive Quest for Belonging and Adulthood among African Adolescents on the Move

88%

Digidiki V., Bhabha J.

Kultura i Edukacja

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2019

|

issue 2(124)

143-156

EN

Draconian contemporary border exclusion policies have had a devastating impact on migrants worldwide, eliciting vigorous expressions of public outrage around the world. Yet, despite growing evidence of human rights abuses as a result of these policies, States and policy makers continue to recommend more restrictive frameworks, doubling down on exclusion. Promoting a renewed “return package”, they encourage buffer and transit states to undertake “swiftreturns” of unauthorized entrants, promoting voluntary return as the preferred solution to the unwanted presence of migrants. This article discusses the consequences and implications of these policies for children. In particular, it probes the reality of distress migration for African adolescents trapped in Libya.

7

Position of the People’s Republic of China Towards the Crisis in Libya in 2011

88%

Jureńczyk Ł.

Historia i Polityka

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2019

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issue 28 (35)

45-58

EN

The subject of the analysis is the attitude of the People’s Republic of China towards the crisis in Libya in 2011. The problem is considered taking into account both the bilateral China-Libya and multilateral situation at the time. The paper discusses issues such as China’s cooperation with Libya before the crisis and Beijing’s actions at consecutive stages of the crisis, focusing mainly on the evolution of China’s position towards the question of imposing and implementing sanctions against Libya as well as towards the political representation of the Libyan rebel groups. The discussion is presented in the context of Beijing’s compliance with its traditionally professed foreign policy principles and its attitude towards the concept of “Responsibility to Protect”. The case of the Libyan crisis has shown that China does not have a coherent strategy for dealing with internal military conflicts that generate humanitarian disasters in foreign states.

8

“Introducing the Presence of Socialist Czechoslovakia into the Consciousness of Libyan Society:” Socialist Experts and Their Role in Prague-Tripoli Relations, 1969–1989

88%

Borovský M.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2021

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issue 1-2

51-65

EN

Gaddafi’s revolution fundamentally changed the approach of socialist states to Libya and opened new possibilities for cooperation between the Eastern bloc and the newly formed Libyan Arab Republic. As Czechoslovakia did not want to be left behind, it started trying to break into the Libyan market in the early 1970s, especially using Czech experts in the fields of healthcare, geology, and engineering. Beginning in 1974, Czechoslovakia started seeking to consolidate its position in the Libyan economy and to aid the country’s modernization by sending out experts under a scientific and technical cooperation program. However, it faced a number of obstacles. One such obstacle was the competition between the Warsaw Pact states in Libya. Prague sent hundreds of civilian experts to Gaddafi’s Libya between 1970 and 1989, contributing substantially to the reputation of socialist Czechoslovakia not only in Libya but throughout the Third World. Based on never-before-used materials from Czech archives, this study attempts to portray the workings of the scientific and technical cooperation between Czechoslovakia and Libya and its importance to Czechoslovakia-Libya relations. The text discusses, among other things, the question of Czechoslovakia’s self-representation as an autonomous business actor, and the problematic aspects of the life of Czechoslovak experts in Libya.

9

Muammar Kadafi – wizjoner, dyktator, dziwak

75%

Rojek K.

Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne

|

2014

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issue 1(13)

181-191

EN

Muammar Gaddafi for over 40 years ruled Libya. With money from the sale of crude oil, he managed the desert and sparsely populated country into one of the richest countries in Africa. However, the West accused him of a brutal fight with the opposition, unjust detention and inhumane treatment of people in Libyan prisons. At the beginning of this year is the anniversary of the outbreak of “Arab Spring”. Muammar Gaddafi will always remain identified with these events. The aim of this text is to show the key events in the life of the Libyan dictator, Libya and the impact of his death on this country and the African continent.

10

Game of Proxies – Towards a new model of warfare: Experiences from the CAR, Libya, Mali, Syria, and Ukraine

75%

Kozera C. A., Bernat P., Gürer C., Popławski B., Sözer M. A.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2020

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vol. 31

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issue 4

77-97

EN

The objective of the study is to carry out a meaningful comparison that demonstrates the similarities and differences of various conflict theatres where proxy forces were employed. The analyses of the discussed cases focused on different aspects of the conflict and nature of the proxy use. The analyses presented on the following pages were conducted on the basis of the literature on the subject, governmental research and reports, and supporting sources reporting recent developments that complemented academic sources. Various non-state actors such as ethnic militias, paramilitary units, and private military companies have become more and more visible on contemporary battlegrounds. Modern states employ those actors to further their objectives, as this limits their own political and financial costs. This increasingly visible phenomenon points to an emerging new model of warfare where state actors are relying ever more on proxies of various character and nature. It is highly likely that any future conflict will be characterised by a proxy-based model of warfare, which will consist of a limited footprint made by regular forces (or none at all) and, consequently, the extended use of proxies supported by special forces. Because such an approach is less costly, proxies will be more often employed by low-budget states, previously reluctant to carry out such costly military endeavours. Denying the actions and affiliations of these proxies will inevitably follow and, in turn, a lack of political accountability and responsibility for the conflict’s outcome.

11

LIBYA – SOMALIA AT THE GATES

75%

Marsai V., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2015

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issue 1 (7)

PL

Since the collapse of the Gaddafi regime and the end of NATO-led Operation Unified Protector, the security situation in Libya has deteriorated significantly. Lacking comprehensive post-conflict stabilisation and state-building, the country has become a de facto failed state which made the rise of different Jihadists groups possible. In comparison with the history of al-Shabaab on the Horn of Africa, it seems that the country is on a good way to become a new Somalia. This analysis examines which similarities can be discovered in the two crises. It will not explore the conflict in Somalia and Libya in details, but the paper will focus on the main parallel aspects of them. These will be the lack of strong basics, namely functioning central government and national identity, which easily led to the collapse of the state; the missed post-conflict stabilisation, which is the historical responsibility of both local and international actors; the deepening and atomized conflict which covered the interests of only a tight elite; and the rise of radical Islamists, who offered universal solutions for the woe of the neglected citizens

12

Niemiecki słoń w składzie libijskiej porcelany. Implikacje postawy wobec wydarzeń w Libii w 2011 r. dla polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa RFN

71%

Libront K.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2014

|

issue 1

91-105

EN

This paper strives to explain what implications for German foreign and security policy - its principles, doctrines and long-time trends - Berlin’s reaction to the Libyan crisis in 2011 could have. The author discusses Germany’s dilemma regarding the use of its army on foreign missions, as well as the international negotiations about the no-fly zone over Libya. This will help analyze two possible explanations of the German position on Libya. One possible justification is that this position has its origins in the short-term domestic interests of the ruling parties. Another explanation is that Berlin’s stance is one of the elements of a broader change in German foreign and security policy. It is a part of a trend to emancipate itself from ideological restraints and to put more emphasis on economic interests.

PL

Artykuł ma na celu wyjaśnienie, jakie implikacje dla niemieckiej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa, jej zasad, doktryn i długofalowych trendów ma reakcja Berlina na wydarzenia w Libii w 2011 r. Przedstawione zostaną dylematy Niemiec odnośnie do użycia ich wojsk w miejscach zagranicznych oraz przebieg międzynarodowych negocjacji w sprawie ustanowienia zakazu lotów nad Libią. Następnie nakreślone zostaną dwa możliwe kierunki interpretacji postawy RFN. Jedno z wyjaśnień zakłada, że działania Niemiec w 2011 r. były funkcją doraźnych interesów partii rządzących w polityce wewnętrznej. Zgodnie z drugą interpretacją, zachowanie Berlina jest elementem zmiany polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa tego państwa. Wpisuje się ono w trend porzucania przez Niemcy dotychczasowych ograniczeń ideologicznych oraz aprecjacji interesów ekonomicznych.

13

Społeczność międzynarodowa wobec Arabskiej Wiosny w Libii

71%

Wachowska K.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2014

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issue 1

159-174

EN

The overthrow of Libyan dictator, Muammar Al-Gaddafi, was a significant event in the Arab Spring. He was brought down by young Libyans assisted by an international coalition, mandated by the United Nations. The attitudes of different countries to the intervention in Libya were highly diversified. This paper orders, describes and partially explains the reasons behind the behavior of political elites in several countries, trying to present their motivation. The first country to be presented is Mali, which supported the dictator to the very end. Next come the countries with an ambivalent attitude to the Arab Spring in Libya, namely China, Russia and Germany. The third group of countries encompasses France, the United Kingdom and the United States. The paper is concluded with an analysis of the activities of the UN and NATO.

PL

Istotną częścią Arabskiej Wiosny było obalenie libijskiego dyktatora Muammara Al-Kaddafiego. Dokonała tego, oprócz młodych Libijczyków, międzynarodowa koalicja, posiadająca mandat Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych. Stanowiska państw dotyczące interwencji w Libii na areniemiędzynarodowej były silnie zróżnicowane. Poniższa praca porządkuje, opisuje i częściowo wyjaśnia przyczyny postępowania elit politycznych niektórych państw, starając się odzwierciedlić motywy, które nimi kierowały. Jako pierwsze zostało opisane państwo będące sprzymierzeńcem dyktatora do samego końca - Mali. Następnie państwa, których stosunek do Arabskiej Wiosny w Libii był niejednoznaczny - Chiny, Rosja i Niemcy. Trzecia grupa państw, która doprowadziła do zbrojnej interwencji to Francja, Wielka Brytania i Stany Zjednoczone. Na koniec zostały przeanalizowane działania Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych oraz Organizacji Paktu Północnoatlantyckiego.

14

Albania and Libya: A Distant Cold War Relationship

63%

Këlliçi K.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

|

2023

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vol. 41

|

issue 1

149-165

PL

W niniejszym artykule chciałbym przeanalizować relacje Albanii z Libią, zwłaszcza po ustanowieniu reżimu Kaddafiego w jego szczególnej odmianie socjalizmu. W tym celu rozważania będą podążać w dwóch kierunkach. Najpierw chciałbym przedstawić stosunki zagraniczne między małymi państwami, w tym przypadku Albanią i Libią. Następnie zbadam te relacje pod kątem ograniczeń ideologicznych, zwłaszcza z perspektywy kraju takiego jak Albania, który od połowy lat sześćdziesiątych do połowy osiemdziesiątych w imię określonego spojrzenia na marksizm-leninizm i socjalizm praktykował formy samoizolacji i odcięcia od świata zewnętrznego.

EN

In this paper I examine the relations between Albania with Libya, especially after the establishment of the Gaddafi’s regime and its peculiar brand of socialism. In doing so this paper proceeds in two directions. First, I examine foreign relations among small countries, in this case Albania and Libya. Secondly, I examine the above-mentioned relations in terms of ideological constrictions, especially from the perspective of a country like Albania, which practised, from the mid-sixties to the mid-eighties, forms of self-isolation and insulation from the outer world in the name of its particular view of Marxism-Leninism and socialism.

15

Al-Saadi Gaddafi, the son of a dictator who wanted to be a football star

63%

Kosak R.

Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe

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2020

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vol. 3

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issue 2

41-56

EN

The purpose of this article is to present the person of Al-Saadi Gaddafi, the third son of a dictator who ruled Libya during the years 1969–2011 – Mu’ammar Al-Gaddafi. In the first part of the article, the author writes about the first stage of the life of the dictator’s son, when Al-Saadi Gaddafi, thanks to his father’s acquaintances, enters the world of football, among others through demonstration training sessions at the Italian club Lazio Roma, where it was hoped that over time he would acquire skills to be able to play football in this club. In this part of the article, the author explains why this plan failed. In the next part of the article, the author presents the backstage of Al-Saadi Kaddafi’s tempestuous career first in Libyan football and then in the highest class of the Italian Serie A connected with such clubs as AC Perugia, Udinese Calcio and UC Sampdoria as a footballer and with Juventus Turin as one of the club’s officials and shareholders. In the final part of the article, the author focuses on the fate of Al-Saadi Gaddafi after completion of his football career and presents what happened to him after the outbreak of the so-called Arab Spring as a result of which the Gaddafi family lost their power in Libya.

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie osoby Al-Saadi Kaddafiego, trzeciego syna dyktatora władającego Libią w latach 1969–2011 Mu’ammara al-Kaddafiego. W pierwszej części artykułu autor przybliża pierwszy etap życia syna dyktatora, kiedy to Al-Saadi Kaddafi, dzięki znajomościom ojca, poznaje świat piłki nożnej, m.in. poprzez treningi pokazowe we włoskim klubie Lazio Rzym, gdzie liczono, że z czasem nabierze odpowiednich umiejętności, aby stać się piłkarzem tego klubu. W tej części artykułu autor wyjaśnia, dlaczego ten plan się nie udał. Następnie autor prezentuje w artykule kulisy barwnej kariery sportowej Al-Saadi Kaddafiego – najpierw w libijskiej piłce nożnej, a następnie w najwyższej klasie we Włoszech – Serie A, związanej z klubami AC Perugia, Udinese Calcio i UC Sampdoria (jako piłkarz) oraz z Juventusem Turyn (jako działacz i jeden z udziałowców klubu). W końcowej części artykułu autor skupia się na dalszych losach Al-Saadi Kaddafiego po zakończeniu przez niego dalszej kariery piłkarskiej oraz przedstawia losy jego osoby po wybuchu tzw. Arabskiej Wiosny, w wyniku której ród Kaddafich utracił władzę w Libii.

16

W obronie status quo ante? Polityka Turcji wobec wojny domowej w Libii i kryzysu politycznego w Syrii.

63%

Zdulski K.

Kultura i Polityka

|

2012

|

issue 11

86-100

PL

Wydarzenia w Libii i Syrii stanowiły, a w tym drugim przypadku nadal stanowią, wyzwanie dla tureckiej polityki zagranicznej. Ze względów gospodarczych i politycznych Ankara musiała zainteresować się sytuacją w obu państwach bliskowschodnich i dostosować do jej rozwoju swoje działania. Niniejszy artykuł analizuje postawę Turcji w pierwszych miesiącach tzw. Arabskiej Wiosny Ludów w odniesieniu do sytuacji w Libii i Syrii. Ukazuje najważniejsze działania podjęte przez rząd turecki, tłumaczy motywy, które kierowały jego poczynaniami oraz ukazuje najważniejsze zmiany zachodzące w stanowisku Ankary.

EN

Recent events in Libya and Syria have posed a challenge for Turkish foreign policy. Angora have had an interest in the situation in both countries for economic and political reasons and due to that fact was forced to adapt its actions to development of the situation. This article examines the attitude of Turkey in the first months of the so-called Arab Spring with regard to the situation in Libya and Syria. It shows the most important steps taken by the Turkish government, explains the motives that guided the actions of the Turkish decision-makers, and shows the most important changes in the position of Angora.

17

Wielka Brytania w interwencji zbrojnej w Libii w 2011 r.

63%

Jureńczyk Ł.

Dzieje Najnowsze

|

2019

|

vol. 51

|

issue 1

PL

Artykuł dotyczy problematyki uczestnictwa Wielkiej Brytanii w interwencji zbrojnej w Libii w 2011 r. Składa się on z pięciu części. Dwie pierwsze części obejmują przyczyny zaangażowania się Wielkiej Brytanii w interwencję zbrojną w Libii i jej przygotowania do tej interwencji. W trzeciej części omówiono udział brytyjskich sił zbrojnych w operacji NATO „Unified Protector”, a w czwartej – konsekwencje interwencji zbrojnej w Libii i uczestnictwa w niej Wielkiej Brytanii. Artykuł zamyka podsumowanie i perspektywy dalszego zaangażowania Wielkiej Brytanii w Libii. The article deals with the problem of Britain’s engagement in a military intervention in Libya in 2011. It is composed of five parts; the two first describe the reasons for the British involvement in a military intervention in Libya and their preparations. Part three discusses the participation of the British armed forces in the NATO “Unified Protector” operation, while part four presents the consequences of the military intervention in Libya and the British involvement. The article ends with a conclusion and prospects of the future engagement of Great Britain in Libya.

18

The Arab Spring – Implications for the Russian Federation

63%

Stopczyński A.

International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

|

2018

|

vol. 21

|

issue 1

127-140

EN

The Arab Spring led to a major transformation of political systems of the region’s most countries; an increase in the significance of radical Islam in the political life; a degradation of the security environment. In addition, changes in the region’s economy cannot be overlooked. The events connected with the Arab Spring gave the Russian Federation completely new challenges. The country has to yet again define the character of its relations with Muslim countries and adapt its foreign policy to the new post-revolutionary reality. The Arab Spring also represents a challenge for Russia in its internal affairs.

19

Migration Crisis and the Libyan Gate to Africa

63%

El Ghamari M.

Securitologia

|

2016

|

issue 2 (24)

35-49

EN

Experience from current conflicts is showing that it is hard to talk about the success of undertakings implemented by coalition forces. It turns out that military defeating the opponent and taking control of the area aren't a factor guaranteeing being a success in contemporary, connected operations. The military victory isn't guaranteeing the liquidation of everyone threats, and hence the political, ethnical, religion solutions of cultural problems. The existing situation results from the fact, that military operations leading you, major effort focussed on the combating of terrorism or of paramilitary rebellious groups, for creating and keeping democratic power structures, forgetting not only about the citizen and his problems, but also about in order to get to know, to understand and only then to try to change in the society. Through exchanged factors cross-cultural contacts are getting for underlining differences in determined societies themselves.

20

Siostry benedyktynki misjonarki w Libii - misja milczenia w latach 1976-1998 (w świetle zbiorów archiwalnych Zgromadzenia)

51%

Kalinowska J. A.

Studia Warmińskie

|

2012

|

issue 49

329-340

PL

Artykuł składa się ze trzech rozdziałów i krótkiego zakończenia. W pierwszym rozdziale przedstawiam genezę wyjazdu polskich sióstr, w tym benedyktynek misjonarek do pracy pielęgniarskiej w libijskim szpitalu w El Beida. W drugim - stan wspólnoty benedyktyńskiej w chwili wyjazdu via Rzym do Libii oraz podjęcie pracy w szpitalu w El Beida. W trzecim - prezentuję przebieg pracy w szpitalu arabskim, życie zakonne w arabskim kraju, zmiany personalne: w pracy i w domu zakonnym na stanowisku przełożonej oraz wizytacje kanoniczne. W końcu przypominam, że benedyktynki, zgodziły się na wyjazd do pracy w Libii na wyraźny rozkaz hierarchii kościelnej w Polsce. Otrzymały w Afryce godziwe warunki życia i pracy. Klimat afrykański trudny był do zaakceptowania przez niektóre nasze siostry. Misja milczenia w Libii stała się preludium do podjętej przez nasze siostry misji w Ameryce Południowej, w Brazylii i w Ekwadorze.

EN

The article consists of four chapters. The first chapter describes the genesis of work of Polish nuns in a Libyan hospital in El Beida. In the second – it discusses the state of the Benedictine community at the time of departure to Libya and the work in a hospital in El Beida. In the third – there were presented work in the hospital, religious life in the Arab country, personnel changes and canonical visitations. Finally, it is recalled that the Benedictine nuns agreed to go to work in Libya at the command of the Church hierarchy in Poland. In Africa they received a good living and working conditions. African climate was difficult to accept by some sisters. The mission of silence in Libya has become a prelude to missions undertaken by the sisters in South America: Brazil and Ecuador.

DE

Der Artikel besteht aus vier Kapiteln. Das erste Kapitel beschreibt den Arbeitsanfang der polnischen Nonnen in einem libyschen Krankenhaus in El Beida. In der zweiten - bespricht man den Zustand der benediktinischen Gemeinschaft zum Zeitpunkt der Abreise nach Libyen und der Arbeit in einem Krankenhaus in El Beida. In der dritten wurden Verlauf der Arbeit im Krankenhaus, Ordensleben im arabischen Land, Visitationen und personelle Veränderungen vorgestellt. Schließlich wird es darauf hingewiesen, dass die Benediktinerinnen auf den ausdrücklichen Befehl der kirchlichen Hierarchie in Polen arbeiten mussten. In Afrika erhielten sie die menschenwürdigen Lebens-und Arbeitsbedingungen. Das afrikanische Klima war sehr schwierig von einigen Schwestern zu akzeptieren. Die Mission des Schweigens in Libyen war ein Vorspiel zu den Missionen in Südamerika: Brasilien und Ecuador.

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