Search results - CEJSH

1

Post Arab Spring Thoughts: The Middle East between External and Internal Mechanisms (Political Economic & Social Forces)

100%

Elhusseini F.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2014

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vol. 29

|

issue 2

5-29

EN

This paper aims to keep readers informed by addressing common views which are widespread not only among academics and politicians, but also amongst the Arab masses which have started to question and lose confidence in the current climate of Arab revolution. The paper will enunciate the term the Arab Spring as a phenomenon, examining its contours though practical and theoretically accepted norms. Actual forces, whether internal or external, will be contextualized within a theoretical framework in order to introduce an innovative analysis of the current conditions in the region, in an effort to draw some relevant conclusions and provide a working prognosis of the future course of events.

2

Is globalization a cause of asymmetric conflicts? Is it part of the solution or a problem?

51%

Prosic A.

Security Forum

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2017

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vol. 1

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issue Volume 1 No. 1/2017

29-38

EN

There is no place on the Earth which is not influenced by globalisation processes as for now with differing results and outcomes. It is especially influencing the Middle East and North Africa as they live with own values and those are determined by outside world influences. The paper is to research the interaction between globalisation and asymmetric conflicts that shape world politics economy, culture and security of the modern world. It covers globalistion effects on asymmetrical warfare and the way that globalisationhas greatly increased the ability of terrorists using asymmetric means and violence, in order to achieve a political, religious or ideological goal The paper is structured in three sections. It definesthe concepts of globalisation and asymmetric conflicts presens an interaction between globalisation, cultures and religion and finally describes asymmetric opposition of 'weaker' toward 'strong' in the modern form of 'asymmetric warfare', namely terrorism.

3

Polityka zagraniczna Japonii wobec Bliskiego Wschodu

51%

Frelak P.

Forum Politologiczne

|

2008

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vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość

471-500

EN

For decades Japanese foreign policy in the Middle East was oriented merely towards economic issues. Its main goal was to secure long-term and reliable deliveries of the Middle East oil, which was crucial to the Japanese economy. Therefore, during the Cold War Japan based its foreign policy in this distant region on the alliance with the United States. Strong relations with the Americans were seen by the government in Tokyo as a guarantee of its oil supplies from that volatile region. On the other hand the Japan-U.S. alliance imposed serious constraints on Japanese independent action in the Middle East. In addition, the tendency to frame foreign policy questions in terms of economic interests has led the Japanese government to underestimating the challenges of relations with the Middle East, an area where vital economic issues cannot be separated so easily from social, political, and strategic questions. The failure of these foreign policy guidelines in the Middle East became apparent in the last decade of the 20th century, and at the beginning of the 21st century, forcing Japan to adopt more active role in the region, and develop more profound relations with the Middle Eastern partners. This new approach of the Japanese diplomacy can be seen in such areas as cultural cooperation (Japan-Arab Dialogue Forum), or political involvement (Iran, Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) in the region.

4

The boundaries of the Middle East – past, present and future

51%

Biger G., Department of Geography and Human Environment T. A. U.

Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej

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2012

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vol. 1

PL

Międzynarodowe granice na Bliskim Wschodzie ustalone zostały w XX w. za sprawą państw europejskich, wśród których prym wiodła Wielka Brytania. Przy wytyczaniu granic zostały uwzględnione więc przede wszystkim interesy kolonialne europejskich imperiów, natomiast pod uwagę nie wzięto w stopniu należytym pragnień i aspiracji żyjących na tym obszarze ludów. W zależności od lokalizacji, granice bliskowschodnie można podzielić na następujące: naturalne, biegnące wzdłuż dawnych granic administracyjnych Imperium Osmańskiego, oraz sztuczne, przybierające charakter linii prostych i nierespektujące uwarunkowań etnicznych. Bliski Wschód jest tym regionem świata, gdzie najpóźniej ustanowiono nowoczesne granice liniowe. Z tego powodu występują tam nadal spory w kwestii delimitacji tych granic. Szczególnie poważnym przypadkiem są granice Izraela. Tylko jedna z jego granic – z Egiptem – jest uzgodniona poprzez umowę międzynarodową, poza tym tylko dwa fragmenty granicy z Jordanią nie są kwestionowane. Toczone od pewnego czasu syryjsko-izraelskie rozmowy pokojowe, jak również rokowania pomiędzy Izraelem a Autonomią Palestyńską, zostały zawieszone właśnie z powodu niemożliwości rozwią- zania sporów granicznych. Autonomia Palestyńska nadal liczy na międzynarodowe uznanie jej granic, co stworzyłoby nowy układ geopolityczny na Bliskim Wschodzie.

EN

This article presents a complicated process of shaping national borders in the Middle East. The author demonstrates the fact that present political boundaries were established mainly by the European countries, with the United Kingdom leading the way. National desires, colonial aspirations, imperial needs, all led to the unrealistic picture of the boundaries in the Middle East. The author analyzes the boundaries fallen into the following categories: those in which natural features influenced their location, boundaries which run along old Ottoman Empire administrative boundaries in the form of straight lines, the lines which follow man-made features, and ethnic lines. The aim of this paper is to focus on one of the neglected factors which determine the exact location of international boundaries in the Middle East, namely village boundaries. The examples of Israel-Palest boundaries as well as the Syrian-Jordan boundary will be used to examine this phenomenon.

5

Polityka zagraniczna Królestwa Arabii Saudyjskiej

51%

Hyra M.

Przegląd Geopolityczny

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2015

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vol. 13

121-136

PL

Region Bliskiego Wschodu, jest miejscem gdzie ciągle występują napięcia i konflikty. Jest to także miejsce gdzie wydobywa się ogromne ilości surowców energetycznych. Dzięki ich eksportowi część bliskowschodnich państw dysponuje niemalże nieograniczonymi środkami finansowymi. Jednym z nich jest Królestwo Arabii Saudyjskiej - największy eksporter ropy naftowej na świecie. Ogromne zasoby finansowe, potencjał geograficzny oraz opieka nad najświętszymi miejscami dla muzułmanów - meczetami w Mekce i Medynie, dają Arabii Saudyjskiej możliwość aktywnego udziału w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Rijad największe zainteresowanie przejawia w swoim najbliższym sąsiedztwie gdzie stara się integrować sunnickie monarchie Zatoki Perskiej. Równie ważne dla Saudów jest rozwijanie współpracy z państwami arabskimi. Osobnym polem zainteresowań są niearabskie państwa muzułmańskie. Niejako z boku, Arabia Saudyjska układa sobie stosunki z mocarstwami. Tu od wielu lat Rijad blisko współpracuje ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Choć w ostatnich latach zauważalna jest erozja we wzajemnych relacjach. Przez to rodzina królewska poszukuje nowych partnerów zagranicznych, którzy mogą wypełnić ewentualna lukę po Waszyngtonie. W poniższym artykule podjęta zostanie próba analizy saudyjskiej polityki zagranicznej. Ukazane zostaną główne założenia i cele polityki prowadzonej przez Rijad, a także jej skutki. Szczególny nacisk zostanie położony na stosunek saudyjskiej monarchii do wydarzeń znanych jako Arabska Wiosna. Wynika to z faktu, że podczas jej trwania dyplomacja Arabii Saudyjskiej zintensyfikowała swoje prace i królestwo stało się bardzo aktywnym graczem na arenie międzynarodowej. Mimo, że od jej rozpoczęcia minęły już cztery lata, to Arabska Wiosna wywiera w dalszym ciągu przemożny wpływ na saudyjską politykę zagraniczną. I jej skutki zauważalne są do dzisiaj

EN

This article presents the foreign policy of the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Saudi foreign policy is described in the form of four circles. The first is the Gulf states. The next circle is the Arab states. In the third circle are Islamic states. The last is overbooked for relations with world powers. Saudi Arabia leads a very active foreign policy. There is no conflict in the Middle East, in which Saudis are not in any way involved. The main objective of the action is to limit the influence of Iran, which is seen by Riyadh as the greatest threat. In addition, Saudi Arabia aspires to a leadership role in the Middle East. The article discusses the main directions of Saudi foreign policy. It also presents the effects, which are not always beneficial to Saudi Arabia.

6

Challenges for EU in the Middle East: Use of Soft Power

51%

Bayir O. E.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2016

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vol. 2

9-19

EN

In this paper, I will attempt to analyze the policies and strategies of the EU towards the Middle East in the context of using soft power. Two main issues need to be questioned in this framework: 1) Can EU use soft power instruments effectively in the Middle East? 2) Is EU’s choice to conduct soft power policy in the Middle East, able to make the EU a leading actor in world politics in terms of struggling with new threats in 21st Century? First of all, I will try to discuss “soft power”, as a concept very briefly. Afterwards,I will focus on the differences between the perspectives and approaches of the United States and the EU on the solutions of the problems in the Middle East. While analyzing EU’s use of soft power in the Middle East, I will not refer the general policies of the EU towards the region. Instead of this, I will focus on the Arab Spring and the signifi cance of the recent movements in the region within the context of our subject. EU aims at creating peace and stability at its borders and prefers political and economic methods instead of military methods and hard power instruments. This paper examines how the EU uses this soft power instruments and what their consequences mean for the main issues in the Middle East. Besides, can this policy of the EU contribute to the solutions the problems, stability and peace in the region? The answers of these questions are very signifi cant within the context of EU’s approach to the Middle East, because of several reasons such as; course of the developments in the region, future success of European foreign and security policy and the role that EU is aiming for: ensuring its position as a global actor in world politics. and what their consequences mean for the main issues in the Middle East. Besides, can this policy of the EU contribute to the solutions of the problems, stability and peace in the region? The answers of these questions are very significant within the context of EU’s approach to the Middle East, because of several reasons such as; course of the developments in the region, future success of European foreign and security policy and the role that EU is aiming for: ensuring its position as a global actor in world politics.

7

SPRAWA DEPORTACJI JOHNA BAGOTA GLUBBA Z JORDANII. Z BADAŃ NAD KRYZYSEM DOMINACJI BRYTYJSKIEJ W ŚWIECIE ARABSKIM W 1956 R.

51%

Wróblewski B.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2013

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issue 3(11)

120-133 (14)

EN

John Bagot Glubb is an almost unknown person to Polish readers. He was the commanding general of the Jordanian Army in the 1940s and 50s. J.B. Glubb played a very important role in the politics of the Middle East. The article is based on British political correspondence and monographs which describe the relationship between Great Britain and Jordan. The article presents the career of J.B. Glubb and his powerful position in the Jordan government between 1946–1956. His unique position was a symbol of the political power which the British government had in this region at that time. J.B. Glubb was suddenly deposed from the Jordan government on 1–2 March 1956. The main aim of the article is to emphasize why his demission was such a political sensation in 1956. That deposal was connected with a decline of British power in this region. The government in London previously had a great influence on Middle Eastern politics and they directed national politics from behind the scenes. J.B. Glubb was at the same time a faithful subject of the Jordanian monarchy and the ideal person to lead informal policy in the behalf of the British government.

8

The AKP in Turkey: Interior Politics and Foreign Issues

51%

Sus P.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2012

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vol. 41

222-247

EN

The purpose of this paper is to make a contribution to the understanding of the domestic patterns of the political competition in Turkey. Moreover, the paper will also focus on the new doctrine of Turkish foreign policy implemented after the electoral victory of the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) in November 2002. In this article the AKP political platform is analyzed as a moderate pro-Islamic party because of its past connections with the Islamic National Outlook Movement of Necmettin Erbakan. In literature on the topic, all the Islamic political parties were connected to the political thought of N. Erbakan and known as the organizations of the National Outlook Movement tradition (Milli Görüş Hareketi). It should be noted that on this point, the first party was the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi), second, the National Salvation Party (Milli Selamet Partisi), third the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) and fourth the Virtue Party (Fazilet Partisi).

9

The Arab Awakening and Its Political Economy

51%

Rewizorski M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2012

|

vol. 41

323-340

EN

Many commentators suggest that the Middle East political turbulence was foreseeable and it cannot be said it had been unexpected. However, the diplomatic and intelligence establishments in the United States and the European Union, which have the most crucial stakes in this region, seemed to have been so preoccupied with focusing on Al Qaeda, Hezbol-lah, Hammas, and the Taliban that in a narrow picture they seem to have lost sight of the revolutionary wave, which has altered the governments in Tunis and Cairo and shaved off some of the most hated and oppressive regimes with the sheer example of Hosni Mubarak and Muammar Qaddafi . The spectacular fall of such dictators as Mubarak, has led to the question, whether the “Arab Awakening” was a transformation or a revolution. There are also questions concerning the idea of democratisation of the third world and corruption, which change the Arab governments into “bad apples”. According to the western view, democracy is a Janus-faced ideological god, pulling the strings of both politics and economics. One cannot exist without the other, therefore, when we reconsider the political aspect of the Arab uprising, we should not forget about the economy.

10

Wpływ wojny hybrydowej w Syrii na pozycję Kurdów w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu

51%

Smoleń K.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

|

issue 3 (376)

219-238

EN

The aim of this article is to analyze the impact of hybrid war in Syria on the status of the Kurds in the Middle East. To begin with, the Syrian War constitutes an independent variable of the Kurds’ position within the scope of this analysis. The ongoing warfare is considered as a determining variable due to several factors, including the changing approach of Bashar al- Assad's regime towards the Kurdish minority, the role of third parties implicated in the conflict, in particular Iran, Turkey and the US, as well as the geopolitical influence of the Islamic State’s aggression in Syria. Secondly, the article attempts to “gauge” or determine the status of the Kurds in the Middle East resulting from the abovementioned phenomena. Thirdly, in the context of the previous point, it is relevant to demonstrate the actions taken by the Kurds themselves in terms of their plans and objectives, their success against jihadists, and their relations with important local players and with the US. The following research questions are formulated in the course of the presented considerations: has the status of the Kurds in the region improved as a result of the ongoing warfare in Syria and have they eventually become a noteworthy actor in the conflict, or rather, have they been marginalized, with the problem of Kurdish autonomy in Syria deemed no longer relevant? Does the war in Syria imply the position of the Kurds in the Middle East, and is it significantly influenced by the rivalry of regional and extra-regional powers? The article investigates two research hypotheses. 1) The international position of the Kurds is significantly influenced by the involvement of regional powers as well as the United States and Russia in a hybrid war in Syria, which should be considered a manifestation of their geopolitical rivalry in the Middle East. 2) The involvement of the Kurds in combat against fighters from the so-called Islamic State caused a short-term increase in the international position of this minority. In the long term, the fight between Kurds and jihadists was instrumentally treated by the main "players" in the region as well as the United States and Russia and related to the implementation of their geopolitical interests.

11

Redefining Russia’s policy in the Middle East

51%

Sławek J.

Obronność – Zeszyty Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania i Dowodzenia Akademii Sztuki Wojennej

|

2016

|

issue 4(20)

14

PL

Celem artykułu jest omówienie i przedstawienie współczesnej polityki zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie, a także pokazanie kierunków ewolucji działań rosyjskiej dyplomacji na tym obszarze. Materiał po krótce pokazuje historyczne znaczenie Związku Radzieckiego w świecie arabskim oraz polityczne wpływy radzieckiego socjalizmu na poszczególne kraje regionu. Przykład współczesnej polityki Rosji wobec Syrii i Egiptu oraz Iranu służy do przedstawienia jak Moskwa umiejętnie wykorzystuje swoje dawne wpływy gospodarcze, polityczne i wojskowe do zbudowania swojej długofalowej hegemonicznej roli na Bliskim Wschodzie. Kolejnym elementem artykułu jest pokazanie nowego akcentu w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej w świecie arabskim, jakim jest pragmatyczne podejście do relacji z krajami Zatoki. Materiał stawia także generalne pytanie czy właśnie w Zatoce Rosja w dłuższej perspektywie może zaoferować alternatywę wobec tradycyjnych wpływów Zachodu.

12

Budget Problems of Saudi Arabia: Consequences in the Sphere of Security and Regional Policy

51%

Münnich M.

Securitologia

|

2018

|

issue 2 (28)

27-56

EN

The article presents an analysis of the Fiscal Balance Program, which has been implemented in Saudi Arabia since the beginning of 2017. The text discusses budget data from recent years and budget assumptions for 2018, and then assesses the extent to which they have a chance of implementation. The second part of the article describes political threats. The conclusion of the article emphasized that economic assumptions are difficult to achieve, but possible, however, one should take into account the delay in their implementation. The real challenge for implementing the plan to heal the finances of the state will be the inevitably impending moment of change on the throne, when internal problems can lead to uncontrolled changes, and external competitors may try to take advantage of this crucial moment.

13

The boundaries of the Middle East – past, present and future

51%

Biger G.

Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej

|

2012

|

vol. 1

61-67

EN

This article presents a complicated process of shaping national borders in the Middle East. The author demonstrates the fact that present political boundaries were established mainly by the European countries, with the United Kingdom leading the way. National desires, colonial aspirations, imperial needs, all led to the unrealistic picture of the boundaries in the Middle East. The author analyzes the boundaries fallen into the following categories: those in which natural features influenced their location, boundaries which run along old Ottoman Empire administrative boundaries in the form of straight lines, the lines which follow man-made features, and ethnic lines. The aim of this paper is to focus on one of the neglected factors which determine the exact location of international boundaries in the Middle East, namely village boundaries. The examples of Israel-Palestine boundaries as well as the Syrian-Jordan boundary will be used to examine this phenomenon.

PL

Międzynarodowe granice na Bliskim Wschodzie ustalone zostały w XX w. za sprawą państw europejskich, wśród których prym wiodła Wielka Brytania. Przy wytyczaniu granic zostały uwzględnione więc przede wszystkim interesy kolonialne europejskich imperiów, natomiast pod uwagę nie wzięto w stopniu należytym pragnień i aspiracji żyjących na tym obszarze ludów. W zależności od lokalizacji, granice bliskowschodnie można podzielić na następujące: naturalne, biegnące wzdłuż dawnych granic administracyjnych Imperium Osmańskiego, oraz sztuczne, przybierające charakter linii prostych i nierespektujące uwarunkowań etnicznych. Bliski Wschód jest tym regionem świata, gdzie najpóźniej ustanowiono nowoczesne granice liniowe. Z tego powodu występują tam nadal spory w kwestii delimitacji tych granic. Szczególnie poważnym przypadkiem są granice Izraela. Tylko jedna z jego granic – z Egiptem – jest uzgodniona poprzez umowę międzynarodową, poza tym tylko dwa fragmenty granicy z Jordanią nie są kwestionowane. Toczone od pewnego czasu syryjsko-izraelskie rozmowy pokojowe, jak również rokowania pomiędzy Izraelem a Autonomią Palestyńską, zostały zawieszone właśnie z powodu niemożliwości rozwiązania sporów granicznych. Autonomia Palestyńska nadal liczy na międzynarodowe uznanie jej granic, co stworzyłoby nowy układ geopolityczny na Bliskim Wschodzie.

14

The Dynamics of Ideological Rivalry in the Middle East

51%

Chak F. M.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

|

2014

|

vol. 29

|

issue 3

45-57

EN

This article focuses on analysing political culture for understanding the dynamics of ideological rivalry in the Middle East. It reviews the concept of political culture and locates, therein, constant references to the ‘core’, ‘enduring cultural component’ or ‘stock of knowledge’ in society. Subsequently, those descriptive terms are used to explain the essence of political culture, alluding to its political values. However, that allusion is misleading, since what the ‘core’ precisely consists of is left largely undefined. Therefore, this study proceeded to define that ‘core’ and labelled it the `foundational` aspect of Islamic political culture. More clearly, that represents those aspects of permanence, in Islamic political culture and consists of deeply cherished political ideals. Yet, this articulation is only the first sphere of inquiry. Specifically, understanding Islamic political culture in Muslim polities involves three spheres of inquiry: ‘foundational’ – what endures or should be, ‘contextual’ – what is,’ and ‘individual’ – the agent for movement

15

Kryzys na Bliskim Wschodzie od śmierci gen. Kassema Sulejmaniego do zestrzelenia ukraińskiego samolotu

51%

Dobrowolski M.

Alcumena. Pismo Interdyscyplinarne

|

2020

|

issue 1(1)

131-139

EN

This article presents the events that took place in the Middle East in January 2020, which more or less directly resulted from the American assassination of General Qassem Soleimani and the downing of a Ukrainian airline plane by the Iranian armed forces in a maximally synthetic way. The article presents a number of comments by journalists dealing with the subject, as well as statements by politicians and scientific experts, which, according to the author, are able to paint a picture of past events on many diﬀerent levels.

16

Strategiczny wymiar rywalizacji polityczno-gospodarczej między Unią Europejską a Chinami na obszarze Bliskiego Wschodu w XXI w.

51%

Diawoł-Sitko A.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2015

|

issue 1

145-158

EN

Middle East is a natural area of interest, rivalry and cooperation of the most important international players, due to its strategic location at the borders of three continents as well as sources of energy it owns. China’s policy in Middle East has been widely analysed in the recent years and literature of this subject gains newer and newer titles. Context of rivalry in the area relates to U.S. in the majority of studies, especially if comes to period of post-Arab Spring, when internal changes in the region are accompanied with diversification of particular countries’ foreign policy, in favour of closer cooperation with BRICS countries. Position of the EU, the closest neighbour of the Arab World, also changes. Europe loses in this region not only if comes to economy but politics as well. Arab countries noticably increase their interest not only in economic cooperation with China, but also Chinese way of development. The aim of the article is to present and evaluate actions of the EU and China in Middle East region within recent years. It is hypotesized that China’s increasing engagement in cooperation with Middle East countries inevitably leads to political and economical rivalry with the EU, especially if comes to Arabic part of Mediterranean Sea, which is the area where strategic interest of Europe is the most strongly articulated.

17

System bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego na Bliskim Wschodzie po 11 września 2001 r.

51%

Milczanowski M.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2014

|

issue 3

73-86

EN

The international security system can be projected and engineered in few circumstances. In general there can be internal will and capacity to build that or external actors can organize it in their favor. Situation in the Middle East is very complicated, what makes such system very unlikely to happen. The tragedy of 09/11, gave another reason to work on such system. The main issue of US Middle-Eastern policy was to deal with threats far from US territory to not let such situation happened again. The best option for that would be the building of the international system, which would stabilize the region and give the US authorities some level of control over it. If the war in Afghanistan was aimed to deter the greatest threat of main cells and centers of Al-Qaeda, then Iraqi war starting on 2003 was to build such system.

18

Polska dyplomacja kulturalna na Bliskim Wschodzie po 2003 r.

51%

Langowska J.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

|

2014

|

issue 3

211-236

EN

The article shows a new dimension of Polish relations with the Middle Eastern countries as well as new ways of providing a cultural diplomacy. Subsequent parts are: Middle East in Polish foreign policy, the concept of cultural diplomacy, cultural diplomacy in Polish foreign policy, Polish cultural diplomacy in the Middle East. Article shows the different activities of cultural diplomacy starting from its traditional tools to the latest ideas. It shows the change in the perception of cultural diplomacy, as well as their main actors and channels to reach the audience. In addition, underlined is a breakthrough in relations between the Poland and region of the Middle East – a change in the perception and the ability to build a strategy of a foreign policy based on the transferring the experience of system transformation. Thesis about new dimension of polish cultural diplomacy in the Middle East shows following results: now Poland has something to offer to the Middle East that is the experience in transformation of political system; also with the accession to the European Union, it’s structures, programs, politics Poland gained more channels to promote it’s culture; cultural diplomacy reaches more wide groups of society, more actors are taking part in cultural diplomacy which causes that not only governmental institutions are responsible for intercultural dialog.

19

Europe, the Middle East, and the ‘Arab Spring’ – The Shattering of the Dream

45%

Nagar N. B.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2019

|

issue 2

55-66

PL

Artykuł omawia stosunki między Europą i krajami Bliskiego Wschodu oraz konsekwencje tych relacji w ciągu ostatnich dwóch dekad, poprzez analizę „arabskiej wiosny”. Określenie „arabska wiosna” odnosi się do serii wydarzeń obejmujących demonstracje, przemoc i wojnę domową, które przetoczyły się przez kraje arabskie od końca 2010 r. Wywołane przez siły oporu wobec autorytarnych reżimów doprowadziły do upadku przywódców Egiptu, Tunezji i Libii. Protesty zwolenników demokracji, zrównoważonej gospodarki i likwidacji korupcji rządowej udało się jednak wykorzystać do swoich celów islamistom. Wprawdzie nie było wówczas jasne, jakie nowe reżimy przejmą władzę, ale powszechnie oczekiwano, że będą to siły islamistyczne. W kategoriach deklaracji, polityki i zaangażowania fizycznego Europa zareagowała na wydarzenia arabskiej wiosny pozytywnie w obawie, że wyniki protestów mogą zostać wykorzystane przez siły islamistyczne, mimo że przez dziesięciolecia państwa Zachodu łączyła z wieloma obalonymi tyranami współpraca i przyjazne stosunki. Polityka przymykania oka na brak demokracji i łamanie praw człowieka w tych krajach była jednak często postrzegana jako sprzeczna z wartościami europejskimi. W dniu 25 maja 2011 r. Unia Europejska opublikowała dokument przyznający, że nie udało jej się przeprowadzić reform politycznych w sąsiednich krajach arabskich. Po wydarzeniach arabskiej wiosny konieczne było wypracowanie nowego podejścia do wzmocnienia partnerstwa między Europą a światem arabskim. Cele europejskiej polityki wobec świata muzułmańskiego obejmują powstrzymanie masowej migracji muzułmańskiej, zmniejszenie wpływu fundamentalistycznego i radykalnego islamu na Bliskim Wschodzie, a także wśród muzułmanów w Europie, oraz zapewnienie dostaw surowców energetycznych z tych krajów. Sprostanie tym wyzwaniom będzie znaczącym krokiem we właściwym kierunku.

EN

This article addresses relations between Europe and the countries of the Middle East and the implications of these relationships over the past two decades, through an examination of the events of the ‘Arab Spring.’ The Arab Spring refers to a chain of events that swept through the Arab countries from late 2010, characterized by demonstrations, violence, and civil war. This was sparked by resistance to tyrannical regimes and led to the fall of the rulers of Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya. However, Islamists were able to utilize the protesters, who sought democracy, an equal economy, and the elimination of governmental corruption, to further their ambitions. At that time, it was not clear what the new regimes would look like, but it was widely expected that Islamist elements would gain power. Europe responded positively to these events, in terms of declarations, policy, and physical involvement, from the fear that Islamist forces would take advantage of the outcomes of the protests, despite the fact that, for decades, there had been collaboration and friendly relations between Western nations and many of the overthrown tyrants. This policy of turning a blind eye to the lack of democracy and human rights violations in these countries, however, had been perceived by many as contrary to European values. On May 25, 2011, the European Union published a document admitting their failure to achieve political reforms in the neighboring Arab countries. Following the events of the Arab Spring, a new approach to strengthening the partnership between Europe and the Arab world was needed. The objectives of European policy towards the Muslim world include halting massive Muslim migration, reducing the influence of fundamentalist and radical Islam in the Middle East and among Muslims in Europe, and ensuring a supply of energy resources obtained from these countries. Meeting these challenges will be a significant step in the right direction.

20

„Egipskie ciemności...” - od autorytaryzmu do autorytaryzmu

45%

Ostant W.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2014

|

issue 1

231-252

EN

This paper presents the key events that determine the political, social and economic situation in Egypt in the early 2010s. Owing to its potential, the country is considered a rising power at the regional level, and its policies may be key to future geopolitical developments, not only the Middle East. The paper presents the irony of the Arab Revolution of 2011, which led to the overthrowing of one authoritarian regime and the rise of another.

PL

Artykuł przedstawia najważniejsze kwestie determinujące sytuację polityczną, społeczną i ekonomiczną Egiptu na początku drugiej dekady XXI w., ponieważ państwo to ze względu na potencjał może być postrzegane jako tzw. sworzeń geopolityczny, którego kierunek rozwoju może mieć znaczenie nie tylko w wymiarze regionalnym. Artykuł ten przedstawia swoisty paradoks tzw. arabskiej rewolucji, która obaliła jeden autorytarnym, aby doprowadzić do powstania kolejnego.

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