Search results - CEJSH

1

On the Origin of Polish Integral Nationalism. The Case of Roman Dmowski (1886-1904)

100%

Krzywiec G.

Roczniki Dziejów Społecznych i Gospodarczych

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2007

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vol. 67

45-71

EN

An attempt at an examination of the social and intellectual roots of the Polish version of integral nationalism, the national democracy, treated as a form of rightist radicalism. The initial premise is the recognition that although Polish nationalism emerged as one of the experiences of the independence-oriented generation of the 1890s it was also part of a wider European phenomenon from the turn of the century. The popularity of modern nationalism is analysed against the backdrop of a crisis of earlier political forms, predominantly the insurrection tradition together with its culmination - the socalled Kilinski current (kilinszczyzna), with due attention paid to the conditions predominating in particular partition areas. The case of Galicia is subjected to a detailed analysis. The article grants pride of place to Roman Dmowski, the founder and main ideologue of the national democracy, analysed via his activity in the nationalist movement and his publicistics, including the chief manifesto 'Mysli nowoczesnego Polaka' (The Thoughts of a Modern Pole). The example of Dmowski's writings illustrates both the transference of ideas from the West (i.a. racist theories, idealistic motifs in culture) and an attempt at a holistic revision of Enlightenment traditions carried out by modern nationalism. Such an interpretation places emphasis on the crucial role played by racist anti-Semitism.'Mysli nowoczesnego Polaka' is presented as a response to the challenges of modernisation faced during the titular period, and conceived as a complex vision of the regeneration of the Poles.

2

Nacjonalizm jako mit polityczny

63%

Kołodziej J.

Euro-Facta

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2008

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vol. 1. From totalitarism to citizen's societes in the United Europe

367-283

EN

In all critical moments of man’s social life, the rational forces that resist the rise of old mythical ideas are no longer sure of themselves. In these moments all mythical conceptions reappear and become a prominent feature in the sphere of political action. Political myth, a fantasy of a better world, cannot be simply discarded as infantile daydreaming. Although some myths are vindictive, and potentially disastrous, others are favorable to dialogue and a commitment to a free community of equal individuals. It is always a matter of interpretation and the same myth can be used for expansion or limitation of one’s freedoms and responsibilities. The present thesis has been prepared to present national mythologies – conceptions that had dominated collective imagination of the Eastern European societies. The first part is devoted to present several selected theoretical concepts which characterize the essence of modern myth and describe direct relation between myth and policy. They are: G. Sorel’s concept of political myth, E. Cassirer’s philosophical concept of political myth, and the concept of political myth put forward by V. Tismaneanu. In the second part of my study I have focused on a few different definitions and typologies of nationalism, which I consider the most interesting and most significant of all. In these part I have also attempted to present and analyze phenomena which I have deemed the most essential for the arisen of mythologization of the political life. The final part of the work is devoted to present and explain the phenomenon of the mythologization of the political life in Eastern European countries. A very important component of this analysis is presentation how extreme nationalistic and authoritarian thought has been influential in Eastern Europe for much of this century, while liberalism has only shallow historical roots. Despite democratic successes in Czech Republic and Poland it would be a mistake for the West to assume that liberalism will always triumph. Nationalist intellectuals have encouraged ethnic hatred in such countries as Russia, Romania, and the former Yugoslavia by reviving patriotic myths of heroes, scapegoats, and historical injustices. Often focused on the past, the new mythologies are actually discourses about the present and especially the future of post-Communist societies. The main aim of these thesis was to introduce how the mythology of the nation explaining brutal reality had created particular intellectual rigours, moral standards and archetypal personalities which had efficiently steered collective imagination in the last decades and shows how enthusiastically these myths have been welcomed by people desperate for some form of salvation from political and economic uncertainty.

3

National Identity and Nationalism in Japanese Cinema

63%

Loska K.

Kwartalnik Filmowy

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2008

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issue 62-63

81-90

EN

Japanese cinema from its very beginning was involved with the nationalist discourse. Film was used by the Japanese government to present and upkeep traditional values, that were to limit foreign influences from spreading immorality and vice. These tendencies grew in the interwar period characterized by expansionist politics, growing nationalism and militarism. A new type of national cinema (kokumin eiga), was needed. Its purpose was to show the Japanese spirit, uncontaminated by western influences, not only at the level of contents and style, but also in the production methods. This type of cinema was to be represented by historical films (jidai-geki), celebrating the glorious past, and praising patriarchal social structure and feudalism, as well as representing the aesthetic ideal. Also war films and documentaries were to conform to the ideological guidelines dictated by those in power. The author lists various examples of Japanese films representing nationalist tendencies, and places them both within historical and theoretical setting..

4

TROUBLES WITH MANNERISM: CZECH ART HISTORY BETWEEN NATIONALISM AND POSTMODERNISM

51%

Bartlová M.

ARS

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2015

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vol. 48

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issue 2

192 – 198

EN

The aim of the paper was to examine how the art historian topic of mannerism has been constructed in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the former Soviet bloc. In the case of Czech art history a discourse on the subject was almost entirely conditioned by the local specifics of art history and cultural traditions. The study follows chronologically major authors and their interpretation of mannerism (Max Dvořák, Jaromír Neumann, Eliška Fučíková, Pavel Preiss).

5

TWO FACES OF ETHNIC CONFLICT IN POSTCOMMUNIST EUROPE

51%

Podoba J.

Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)

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2006

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vol. 54

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issue 4

419-442

EN

Situation after the breakdown of the totalitarian political systems is characterized by the surge in nationalism and its exploitation in the political relations between the nations inhabiting former communist countries. In some areas of the post-communist territory, the political fracases have changed into hot ethnic conflicts. The author compares two post-communist regions: East Central Europe within latent ethnic conflict, and South-eastern Europe, where the demise of communism has been accompanied by three bloody ethnic wars. The paper is aiming to understand the reasons of such crucial difference in two neighbouring regions.

6

CHOSEN INTERPRETATIONS OF THE IDEA OF NATION ON THE EXAMPLE OF POLAND - HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE (Wybrane interpretacje idei narodu na przykladzie Polski - perspektywa historyczna)

51%

Kuczur T.

Pieniądze i Więź

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2009

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vol. 12

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issue 3(44)

EN

In Polish tradition the aspects of the national idea and the liberal-democratic order played a crucial role. First of all 'nation of the nobility' of the Republic of Poland had a multi-ethnic character, and a significant impact on its origins had cultural factors which also reinforced its internal stability. Secondly, it was undoubtedly the 'political' nation which glorified freedom and equality. In the longer term, there can be seen the essential transformation of the Polish state from a small and relatively homogenous medieval monarchy in multi-ethnic, multi-faith and multi-lingual Republic of nobility. Whereas, when interpreting and understanding the concept of nation in contemporary Poland a starting point, except already outlined Sarmatian tradition, should be the fact that in the nineteenth and twentieth century understanding of this category was under the particular influence of cultural patterns, which have become fundamental in the epoch of romanticism. This romantic understanding of the nation was closely correlated with the national tradition identified in this dimension with virtue, which main component was a determination to complete dedication for the beloved homeland. After 1989 there was a collapse of this romantic model of the national community self-understanding. On the basis of 'national spurt', in the absence of any other datum reference, as well as the attributes of civil society, there has been rise of national solidarity, and only then as a result of awareness transformation in political community spheres, there has been a transition from the romantic 'nation' to the liberal-democratic 'society'.

7

MUSEUM SPACE AND THE POLICY OF TRAUMA (Przestrzen muzeum a polityka traumy)

51%

Ostolski A.

Kultura i Społeczeństwo

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2009

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vol. 53

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issue 3

67-87

EN

The article analyses how the representation of the traumatic past in a museum may affect the shaping of national identity. In the first part, which refers to several theoretical traditions (psychoanalysis, narrativism, critical theory), the author discusses the relations between the representation of the past and the interpretation of the collective trauma offered to the spectator. In the second part these phenomena are analysed on the basis of three museums: Yad Vashem in Jerusalem, Terror Háza in Budapest and the Museum of the Warsaw Uprising.

8

FILLING THE IDEOLOGICAL VOID: „RESTORATIVE‟ NOSTALGIA AND THE RADICAL RIGHT PARTIES IN ROMANIA

51%

Iancu A. A.

Sociológia (Sociology)

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2023

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vol. 55

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issue 2

220 – 243

EN

The article examines the role occupied by nostalgia as a group-based emotion in shaping the ‘micro-politics’ of the radical right parties. The paper argues that the high ideological eclecticism of RRP is primarily due to the strategies deployed in the weaponization of the past. As a discursive strategy, nostalgia substantially conditions party appeals well beyond the symbolic and mythological references, contaminating broader policy-oriented assertions. The study is focused on two paired examples of ultranationalist parliamentary parties: the Greater Romanian Party and the Alliance for the Union of Romanians. Content analysis of primary and secondary sources emphasizes that despite a 30-year time gap, the two Romanian RRP showcase remarkably high levels of programmatic and discourse overlap due to nostalgia-based strategies of boosting nationalist crucial identities.

9

SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE

51%

Flam H., Beauzamy B.

Kultura i Społeczeństwo

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2006

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vol. 50

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issue 1-2

179-198

EN

The article focuses on everyday nationalism and its multifacetted connections to symbolic violence exercised by natives in relationship to migrants in eight European countries. The analysis draws on focus group interviews conducted with migrants in England, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Poland, Cyprus, Sweden - within a comparative project sponsored by the EU between 2002 and 2006, and bearing the title: 'The European Dilemma: Institutional Patterns and Politics of Racial Discrimination'.

10

RESEARCHING MUSLIM SAINTS OF THE MARATHI DECCAN: SOME PROBLEMS AND CHALLENGES

51%

Deák D.

Asian and African Studies

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2020

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vol. 29

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issue 2

261 – 281

EN

This paper seeks to review some of the dominant trends in the research on Muslim saints of the Marathi Deccan. It attempts to locate the main problems in the nexus of the uncritical application of modern collective categories organised along the lines of ethnicity, language and religion to pre-colonial materials. These problems and the lack of clarity that they cause are illustrated by an example from the study of Shaikh Muhammad from Shrigonda, a popular Muslim saint, whose medium of communication was Marathi. The last part of the paper makes some suggestions about how it is possible to see Muslim holy figures differently and why this is, perhaps, necessary.

11

Integrálně nacionální koncepce Československé národní demokracie po vzniku ČSR

51%

Stepanek P.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2007

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vol. 15

101-131

EN

With the creation of an independent Czechoslovakia, the main goal of the pre-coup political program of Czech rightist parties was achieved, i.e., creation of an independent national state restoring the tradition of medieval Czech statehood. The Czechoslovak Republic was based on the principles of pluralistic democratic society as formulated in the Washington Declaration. As a result, the main idea of its modern oriented founders was in contradiction to the conservative traditionalistic concept of Czech integral nationalism that entirely rejected the Declaration's principles of postwar open democracy. The Czechoslovak National Democracy was representative of right Czech nationalist and opposed the model of liberal parliament-based democracy, but preferred conservative authoritarian values.

12

WHOSE STATE AND WHOSE NATIONALISM? IDENTITY DILEMMAS IN MOLDAVIA

51%

Derlicki J.

Etnografia Polska

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2007

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vol. 51

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issue 1-2

7-23

EN

The author focuses on the issue of Moldavian national identity. Tracing historical and linguistic roots of the arguments used in the debate on Moldavian consciousness, he presents identity strategies in Moldavia. The main argument here is that the complicated history of Bessarabia (today's Moldova) has resulted in contemporary identification dilemmas. One of the key questions is whether we should call it Moldavian or Romanian. About 80% of the titular nation call themselves and their language Moldavian. On the contrary, approximately 5% (mostly intelligentsia) believe that they are Romanians, who were de-nationalized and transformed into Moldavians by the Soviet state. It is undisputable, that present Moldavian identity is the result of soviet national policy. Its stability, however, is a quite unusual phenomenon. If we accept the existence of independent Republic of Moldova, we must grant its population the right to be named Moldavian, even if there are no rational reasons to distinguish them from Romanians. Today most people want to be called Moldavians while nationalist movement is considered to be Romanian. We could describe this case as Moldavian state with Romanian nationalism.

13

HLASISTS' SOCIOLOGY OF NATION

51%

Klobucky R.

Sociológia (Sociology)

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2006

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vol. 38

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issue 4

327-352

EN

The article deals with the liberal youth movement 'Hlasisti' (Hlasists), associated with and named after the journal 'Hlas', at the turn of 19th and 20th centuries. The movement emergence and ideas were markedly influenced by the Czech philosopher and sociologist Tomás G. Masaryk. Under his influence, Hlasists declared their affiliation to positivism, rationalism, evolutionism and scientism. Hlasists primarily attempted to modernise and emancipate the Slovak nation, which was under threat of assimilation in the Hungarian empire. The Hlasists' sociology fulfilled an instrumental function in the Slovak national socio-political program. The Hlasists sociological thought eclectically adopted the sociological concepts developed by the acclaimed foreign scholars, granting sociology the status of well-respected though not distinctively profiled scientific discipline. The Hlasists sociology focused on the social groups among which the particular attention was paid to the nation and its formation. The Hlasists adopted the contemporary psychologising sociological concepts (later turning to voluntarist approach) in order to define on one hand the Slovak nation against 'the Others' - the Jewish and Hungarian nations, and on the other hand bringing closer together the Slovak and Czech nations through highlighting their common features. The Hlasists analysis of the social structure of the Slovak nation ascertained the inevitability to build a strong Slovak middle class. This could be accomplished through the national economic development, which in Hlasists conception of agrarianism was to take place in the Slovak countryside.

14

NATIONALISM AS METONYMICAL THINKING

51%

Burszta W. J., Jaskulowski K.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2005

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issue 27

7-21

EN

The first part of the article concerns two well-known theories of nationalism, modernist theory and ethno-symbolic theory, connected with the names of Ernest Gellner and Anthony D. Smith. Discussing the specific features of the two approaches, the authors analyze the strong and weak points from the context of a third approach to nationalism, i.e. as a basic plane for the shaping of subjectivized human identity. A 'nationalist theory of nation' is a specific way of thinking about apparently natural ties linking social communities and their territory and state. The article shows how nationalist thinking uses metonyms and metaphors in order to create a mythical picture of a nation as a territorially-rooted community of values. Nationalism is attractive also because it allows a co-existence of metaphorical and metonymical figures which help intensify group identifications.

15

COMPARISON OF THE USE OF MYTHOLOGY IN THE WORKS OF ZIYA GÖKALP AND MEHMET EMIN YURDAKUL, CONSIDERING THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO NATIONAL IDENTITY BUILDING

51%

Darnadyová M.

Asian and African Studies

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2006

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vol. 15

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issue 2

167 - 184

EN

Mythology with its various possibilities of the interpretation is a suitable device for the influencing national feelings and that is why it is often used in the period of a national identity building. This paper analyses the interpretation of mythology in the poetry of two founders of Turkish nationalistic literature and the contributors to the new Turkish identity Ziya Gökalp and Mehmet Emin Yurdakul.

16

THE TRAUMA OF THE GREAT WAR. PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE WORLD WAR II

51%

Zaremba M.

Kultura i Społeczeństwo

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2008

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vol. 52

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issue 2

3-42

EN

Almost seventy years now separate us from the outbreak of World War II. To date the most important trend in debates about the war's consequences for Central Europe has focused on the interconnections between the social, political and economic changes occurring during the war, on the one hand, and the origins of the communist bloc in that part of Europe, on the other. This approach is overly narrow: it fails to take account of the importance of the psycho-social consequences of the war, which were incomparably broader, extending far beyond the political dimension. The author attempts to sketch out a systematic account of the sociological and psychological effects of this war, through an examination of the Polish case. His analysis draws upon two key theoretical concepts: Pitirim Sorokin's sociology of catastrophes; and Piotr Sztompka's sociology of trauma. Paraphrasing the title of Sztompka's book (Trauma wielkiej zmiany. Spoleczne koszty transformacji), we might call the Polish war experience 'the trauma of the great war'. The article shows the sources, symptoms and cultural consequences of the trauma of war in Poland.

17

USTASHA NATIONALISM IN CROATIA DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1941-1945)

51%

Ognyanova-Krivoshieva I.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2006

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issue 28

33-52

EN

The article is on the Ustasha nationalism as an extreme form of Croatian nationalism in the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) (1941-1945). It reveals the national idea as a basic one in the Ustasha ideology and progranrine, mainly - the liberation of the historic Croatian lands from the Serbian dictatorship, and their unification in the framework of a single national state. The article also deals with the role of nationalism in the inter-ethnic relationships in the ISC. Anti-Serbism and anti-Yugoslavism are analyzed as an essence of the Ustasha national ideology and policy. Nazi influence in the introduction of anti-Semitism and racism as a theory and practice in the ISC is also emphasized. Special attention is paid to the causes for the positive attitude of Ustasha authorities towards Muslims. The authoress also investigates the influence of nationalism on the character of international relations of the ISC, mainly with Germany and Italy in 1941-1945. The commitment of the destiny of the country to the policy of the Axis is revealed as one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Ustasha regime and the Independent state of Croatia at the end of World War II.

18

Wincentego Lutosławskiego koncepcja narodu i państwa

51%

N Jakubowski M.

Filo-Sofija

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2007

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vol. 7

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issue 7

131-139

EN

Author, of this short article tries to prove, against some contemporary researchers, that W. Lutosławski (who was at the beginning of the XXth century an internationally acknowledged researcher of Plato’s thought) in his conception of philosophy of history represents an nationalistic and anti-Semitic point of view. This concerns not as much his reflections about teleology of history, as his conception nation and races.

19

The use of stereotypes in the British media during the period of European union expansion in 2004: The representation of post-communist states

51%

Fleming M.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2005

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issue 26

19-28

EN

The expansion of the European Union to include 10 new members, 8 of which were formerly part, or satelittes of the Soviet Union, has been understood as the reuniting of Europe. The integration of the two halves of the continent by peaceful means, which only 15 years ago were facing each other with nuclear weapons, is adjudged to be an epoch making triumph. The fulfillment of the European Union project depends upon successful communication and deliberation between the varied peoples of the continent. However, both within and without popular discourse national stereotypes influence the direction, tenor and resonance of cross-cultural communication. This paper examines how the British press made use of national stereotypes in the months before and after EU expansion on May 1st 2004 and explores their function, saliency and their potential influence for EU integration. The author maintains that the use of particular stereotypes is tied to the political orientation of specific newspapers and are utilised to construct a particular construction of reality. He also contends that an examination of stereotypes within the press can shed light upon the quality of contemporary political debate within our democracy.

20

SLOVENIAN NATIONALISM

51%

Bajt V.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2004

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issue 24-25

9-30

EN

The article presents the rise of Slovenian nationalism as an ideology founded and spread by the Slovenian national movement. As an opening remark the authoress stresses that nationalism is a modern phenomenon. She also introduces the division between ethnic nation (Kulturnation, narod) and political nation (Staatsnation, nacjia). The Slovenes first defined themselves as an ethnic nation but having gained their own nation-state in 1991, nowadays, they are free to redefine their nation in civic terms. The dynamics of Slovenian nation-building unfolded in agreement with the Czech historian Miroslav Hroch's scheme. It shows that ethnic nation states start as an idea of a handful of intellectuals, before the national message is taken up and spreads among the members of the postulated nation. Then the nation has commenced its existence indeed. Although the term 'Slovenia' is known since the 16th century, intellectuals have used it consistently for denoting the Slovenian nation only after 1848. Still the Carniolan identity persisted. The 1840 national program demanded the administrative unification of the lands inhabited by Slovenes, Slovenian as a medium of education, and it opposed the construction of a German nation-state that would include the Austrian Empire along with Slovenia. Like the Czechs of Bohemia, the Slovenes did not crave for independence but Vienna's protection. In the second half of the 19th century the mass Slovenian national movement grew frustrated by the progress of German nationalism and the continuing division of the Slovenian lands between Austria, Hungary, and Italy. Only during World War I the idea of independence gained popularity but was not actualized due to the inclusion of the Slovenes in Yugoslavia. It appeared a backward and heavily centralized state that thwarted the national goals of the Slovenes despite the administrative unification of almost all their lands. Another World War split Slovenia among Germany, Hungary and Italy so communist Yugoslavia appeared the only way to ensure national survival. Federalization of this state with a national republic for the Slovenes too, did not ensure economic stability. This bred discontent in Slovenia - Yugoslavia's richest region - and spawned systemic-cum-nationalist opposition during the 1960s and 1970s. After Tito's death (1980), in the next decade Slovenian politicians and intellectuals openly advocated independence. The establishment of the independent Slovenian nation-state finally fulfilled the program of Slovenian nationalism as well as commenced the breakup of Yugoslavia.

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