Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 11

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  National Party
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
1
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Partia Narodowa w Afryce Południowej - od pełni władzy do upadku

100%
Żukowski A.
Forum Politologiczne
|
2009
|
vol. 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce
101-124
EN
The article focuses on analysing the activity of the National Party in South Africa from its establishment in 1914 until disbanding in 2005 as well as the article covers period of the last years when the attempts to reestablish the party occurred. At first, the aims of the party were presented with practise of their implementation (Afrikaner nationalism, Republicanism) during the inter-war period and especially after 1948 when the National Party, after winning election, started to rule South Africa continuously for 46 years. The phenomenon of supremacy of the National Party, its growing support among white electorate against a background of introducing apartheid policy and its later modifications are widely explained. Special emphasis is drawn to the period of transition and the role of National Party in the process. Presenting election results in 1994, 1999, 2004 and 2009, the reasons of declined importance and then marginalisation of the National Party are underlined.
2
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

A Vision of the State’s Political System in the Political Thought of the National Party between 1928 and 1939

100%
Dawidowicz A.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2019
|
vol. 2 (48)
330-344
EN
Views of the National Party (1928-1939) merit special attention, given both the Party’s prominent role in the political life of interwar Poland and the interesting combination of various elements derived from diverse ideological trends within the Party’s programme. The ideological legacy of the National Party reflected, to a large extent, the key constituents of the National Democracy’s political thought, such as nationalism, representation of all social classes, national integrity and the concept of the nation-state. The National Party underwent major evolution and was subject to internal divisions which makes the image of its political thought much more complex. Based on an analysis of the National Party’s political thought, several conclusions can be formulated. The National Party developed its own views regarding political systems. These were, to a large extent, determined by their own system of values based on the national idea. The National Party’s political system projections were mainly inspired by (1) the successes of the “new type” states; (2) pressure from totalitarian systems; and (3) the influence of the economic and spiritual crisis. The National Party leaders wanted to make the political system more efficient. Nonetheless, views in favor of directly imitating any foreign political systems could hardly be found in the Party’s political thought. The National Party’s ideologists and journalists invariably stated that there was no pre-defined political system, but its form had to be adjusted to the specificity and unique character of a given national body. Although inspiration was drawn from external political systems, the Party’s political thought did not lose its independence.
3
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Służba Bezpieczeństwa wobec środowisk narodowych w latach 1956-1959

88%
Kawęcki K.
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
|
2012
|
issue 2(9)
167-180
EN
The political changes in the People’s Republic of Poland after 1956 meant the symbolic end of so called Stalinism. The methods of communists used in a struggle against some independent circles and pre–war political activists changed. The Security Service introduced some new forms of surveillance of nationalist circles which were inspired by the biggest political camp of the Second Polish Republic – National Democracy. The main priority of those actions was to organise as big spy network as possible. The Security Service was also monitoring the activities of some legal nationalists groups. In 1961, court of law in Warsaw sentenced several young nationalist activists who had started a secret organization called National-Democratic League. Some of them were sentenced to 2 years in prison.
4
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

The Nation in the Political Thought of the National Party (1928–1939)

88%
Dawidowicz A.
Historia i Polityka
|
2019
|
issue 28 (35)
125-141
EN
A reflection on the nation, its essence and function formed the key motivation in the National Party’s political thought. The Polish nation was treated subjectively, and the principle of a hierarchical nation organisation was disseminated. In the works by the National Party ideologists, the idea of the nation presented a strong emotional potential, closely related to a moral aspect. It was invariably proclaimed that the nation was a spiritual body. The National Party theorists were convinced that the national idea added real meaning to all forms of a person’s functioning. The Party members viewed the nation as such an important and priority issue that any indifferent personal approach towards the nation was considered unacceptable. It can be noted that, contrary to previous statements, typical of “the early nationalism” (at the turn of the 20th century), the nation was no longer treated as the absolute, but rather it was viewed through the prism of its relation to God and the world of transcendental values. It was usually considered a kind of family, and a unique metaphysical being, with a strong emphasis placed on the spiritual and moral form of the nation.
5
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

The principles of national education. National education in political thought of the National Party (1928–1939)

75%
Dawidowicz A.
Edukacja Humanistyczna
|
2019
|
issue 1
25-36
EN
In the period of the Second Polish Republic, educational issues constituted a subject-matter of interest to Polish political thinkers. Nonetheless, such issues were often perceived differently by the diverse ideological and political factions. According to such political entities, the interwar period was marked with the destabilisation of the previously-existing social, political and cultural order, giving rise to a new reality. Visions of creating a “new”, “better”, more moral and socialised man began to appear in the statements disseminated by almost all political circles. Such projections, however, entailed the rather disturbing perspective of far-reaching interference with the lives of all citizens, including their privacy. The postulate of changing the individual in order to meet the emerging “higher” objectives, social needs and “lofty” principles, was put forward. The National Party developed a comprehensive educational programme. The aim of national education was to build a strong nation, and to prepare the society for an independent nation and State’s functioning. The principal categories of the National Party’s political thought included work, creation and action. The condition of the Polish society was also thoroughly analysed, with the ideal Pole being depicted as a hard-working, thrifty, conscientious and diligent person, dedicated to nation and State’s affairs. Active and constructive attitudes were widely promoted, along with social responsibility, readiness to make sacrifices, self-determination and subordination to the individuals responsible for the implemented goals. National education was expected to give rise to “a definite Polish type” that would embody the truly Polish character and indigenous values cultivated from generation to generation by the natively Polish population.
PL
W okresie II Rzeczypospolitej zagadnienia wychowawcze i edukacyjne stanowiły przedmiot zainteresowania polskiej myśli politycznej. Kwestie te były zazwyczaj rozmaicie rozumiane w obrębie rożnych opcji ideowo-politycznych. W opinii licznych podmiotow politycznych lata międzywojenne stanowiły okres destabilizacji zastanych stosunkow społecznych, politycznych i kulturalnych, a nawet pewien początek nowej rzeczywistości. Rozwijano wowczas programy formowania „nowego człowieka”, „lepszego”, bardziej moralnego, uspołecznionego. Tego rodzaju zapowiedzi pojawiały się w enuncjacjach niemal wszystkich środowisk politycznych. Stronnictwo Narodowe dysponowało rozbudowanym programem wychowawczym. Celem wychowania narodowego była budowa silnego narodu, przygotowanie społeczeństwa do samodzielnego życia narodowego i państwowego. Centralnymi kategoriami myśli wychowawczej SN stały się praca, tworczość, czyn. Nieustannie zachęcano do postawy aktywnej, konstruktywnej. Promowano odpowiedzialność społeczną, gotowość do wyrzeczeń, samozaparcia, podporządkowania się woli jednostek odpowiedzialnych za realizowane cele. Wychowanie narodowe miało doprowadzić do wytworzenia „definitywnego typu polskiego”, ktory byłby uosobieniem polskości, rodzimych wartości przechowywanych od pokoleń przez rdzennie polskie masy ludowe.
6
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Divided union: South African nationalist opposition from 1939 to 1943

63%
Touška M.
Prague Papers on the History of International Relations
|
2019
|
issue 2
73-95
EN
South Africa’s participation in World War II was accompanied by a specific and, to some extent, paradoxical development. The declaration of war on Germany alongside Great Britain and other dominions was preceded by a government crisis that resulted in the collapse of Hertzog’s cabinet. The new coalition government led by Hertzog’s long-time political rival Jan Smuts had to face strong nationalist opposition. This opposition supported by Nazi Germany was extensive but fragmented, causing it to be defeated in the 1943 elections. However, this defeat led to a paradoxical result. The ultra-conservative and fiercely anti-British politician D.F. Malan became the undisputed leader of the opposition and capitalized on his position to clinch an electoral victory in 1948. The goal of this paper is to identify the reasons for this paradoxical development based on the analysis of both the activities of various opposition groups and personal animosities among their leaders. The analysis is based on the existing literature as well as on archival materials, in particular the reports of South African counterintelligence.
7
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Ustrój niepodległej Polski w publicystyce polityków Stronnictwa Narodowego na emigracji na łamach „Myśli Polskiej” w okresie PRL

63%
Koziełło T.
Studia Polonijne
|
2023
|
vol. 44
97-117
EN
The article is an analysis of the political views of the politicians of the National Party in exile on the question of Poland’s political system in the pages of the magazine “Polish Thought” (“Myśl Polska”). Their goal was to create the foundations of a political system for a future independent Poland, free from the domination of the USSR. Poland was to be a nation-state, in which the Polish people would have full power and would decide on the structure of state organs and the directions of Polish policy. The state authority, on the other hand, had to take care of the security of its citizens and create conditions for their social, economic and cultural development. It was believed that only such a Poland would be a strong, independent, secure and friendly state for Poles.
PL
Artykuł jest analizą poglądów politycznych polityków emigracyjnego Stronnictwa Narodowego na kwestię ustroju Polski na łamach pisma „Myśl Polska”. Ich celem było stworzenie podstaw ustroju politycznego dla przyszłej niepodległej Polski, wolnej od dominacji ZSRR. Polska miała być państwem narodowym, w którym naród polski miałby pełnię władzy i decydowałby o strukturze organów państwowych i kierunkach polskiej polityki. Władza państwowa natomiast miała dbać o bezpieczeństwo obywateli i tworzyć warunki do ich rozwoju społecznego, gospodarczego i kulturalnego. Uważano, że tylko taka Polska będzie państwem silnym, niepodległym, bezpiecznym i przyjaznym dla Polaków.
8
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Udział duchowieństwa rzymskokatolickiego diecezji kieleckiej w kampanii wyborczej Stronnictwa Narodowego w wyborach 1930 roku

63%
Ospara Ł.
UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
|
2020
|
issue 1(14)
66-87
PL
Udział duchowieństwa katolickiego diecezji kieleckiej w kampanii wyborczej Stronnictwa Narodowego, podczas wyborów parlamentarnych w roku 1930 przybierał różne formy. Jedynym kandydatem do Sejmu z listy SN był ksiądz Adam Błaszczyk z Kielc. Jego działalność w partii, a także propagowanie SN wśród mieszkańców diecezji wspierał ksiądz Antoni Sobczyński. Duża część duchowieństwa organizowała spotkania agitacyjne dla potencjalnych wyborców oraz udostępniała plebanie dla polityka SN. Największe poparcie politycy SN otrzymali w dniu wyborów 16 listopada 1930, kiedy to większość księży diecezji namawiała wyborców do głosowania na SN, wykorzystując do tego celu ambonę. Duchowni tego dnia zamiast kazania propagowali SN jako jedyną partię broniącą katolicyzmu w Polsce.
EN
Roman Catholic Clergy from the Diocese of Kielce campaigned for the National Party during the 1930 parliamentary elections in a variety of ways. The Reverend Adam Blaszczyk from Kielce was one of the candidates to become a Member of Parliament. His political activities, namely, agitation for the National Party among inhabitants of the diocese, were endorsed by the Reverend Antoni Sobczynski. The vast majority of the Catholic Clergy organized political meetings aimed at recruiting potential voters. They also made use of buildings belonging to the Church such as presbyteries or they made churchyards available for the National Party’s politicians. The greatest endorsement from Roman Catholic Clergy came on the Election Day – November 16th 1930, when the majority of priests agitated from the pulpit for voting for the National Party. Instead of giving sermons, priests were campaigning for the National Party hailing it as the only defender of the Catholic Church in Poland.
9
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

The position of women in social life in the light of the National Party’s political thought

51%
DAWIDOWICZ A.
Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych
|
2018
|
issue 2(5)
79-98
EN
In the interwar period, National Democracy (ND) journalists presented their own views regarding the postulates of the emerging feminist movement of that time. Women's position in social life was perceived in terms of the Catholic Church’s teaching. ND journalists followed the existing stereotypes regarding femininity and masculinity patterns. They advocated the traditional role of women in the social domain. According to ND journalists, the rejection of this traditional model could have had a destructive impact on the entire national community. Therefore, women striving to get away from the traditional image, willing to devote themselves to a professional career at the cost of their family life, were perceived in a particularly negative way. In the public discourse on femininity, National Democracy took the conservative standpoint, which is also shared by representatives of modern national and nationalistic thought in Poland.
PL
W okresie międzywojennym publicyści Narodowej Demokracji zaprezentowali własne stanowisko wobec postulatów kształtującego się wówczas ruchu feministycznego. Pozycję kobiety w życiu społecznym pojmowano zgodnie z wytycznymi Kościoła katolickiego. Publicyści endeccy akceptowali istniejące stereotypy określające wzorce kobiecości i męskości. Opowiadano się za tradycyjną rolą kobiety w życiu społecznym. Zdaniem publicystów endeckich odrzucenie tradycyjnego modelu mogło destrukcyjnie wpłynąć na całą wspólnotę narodową. Szczególnie negatywnie postrzegano kobiety, które odbiegały od tradycyjnego wizerunku i poświęciły się karierze zawodowej kosztem życia rodzinnego. W dyskursie publicznym dotyczącym kwestii kobiecej Narodowa Demokracja zajmowała stanowisko konserwatywne. Tożsame stanowisko zajmują przedstawiciele współczesnej myśli narodowej i nacjonalistycznej w Polsce.
10
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Recepcja twórczości Mikołaja Bierdiajewa w myśli politycznej polskiego nacjonalizmu w latach trzydziestych XX wieku

51%
Dawidowicz A.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
|
2021
|
vol. 56
|
issue 1
47-68
EN
In the 1930s, the views of Nikolai Berdyaev (1874–1948), one of the outstanding philosophers of the first half of the twentieth century, proved to be an essential ideological inspiration for Polish nationalism. Berdyaev’s reflections were based on his perception of the crisis of European culture, including that of contemporary man. According to Berdyaev, the future would bring a return to the sacred model of culture, i.e. the realisation of the idea of the ‘New Middle Ages’. Berdyaev’s views influenced the ideologists of National Democracy to reflect on the issue from multiple perspectives. His philosophy inspired both thinkers of the National Party and activists of the National Radical Camp.
PL
W latach trzydziestych XX w. ważną inspiracją ideową polskiego nacjonalizmu okazały się poglądy jednego z wybitnych filozofów pierwszej połowy XX w., Mikołaja Bierdiajewa (1874–1948). Podstawą jego refleksji było dostrzeżenie kryzysu kultury europejskiej, a w tym również kryzysu współczesnego człowieka. Według Bierdiajewa przyszłość oznaczała powrót do sakralnego modelu kultury, czyli urzeczywistnienia idei „nowego średniowiecza”. Poglądy Bierdiajewa inspirowały ideologów Narodowej Demokracji do różnorodnych przemyśleń. Jego filozofia miała wpływ zarówno na myślicieli Stronnictwa Narodowego, jak i działaczy obozu narodowo-radykalnego.
11
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Polska inna niż PRL. Rozważania programowe O co walczymy? na łamach organu Stronnictwa Narodowego „Walka” w latach 1941–1944

45%
Kosiński K.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
|
2017
|
issue 30
86-130
EN
During the period of 1941–1944, “Walka” the head body of the National Party in the period of occupation published the series entitled “O co walczymy?” (What do we fight for?). It was comprised of 32 detailed drafts. They presented political, social and economic programme. At the same time, they comprise evidence of how the method of the programme invented by the NP was created during the four years of war. This article includes the analysis of the whole series entitled “O co walczymy?”, it depicts the political group where it was created and outlines the ideological and historic contexts. The analysis allows us to draw the conclusion that, at the beginning, the attention of the “O co walczymy” series’ authors was drawn to geopolitics and the issue of future borders. Since 1942 it was dominated by social and economic subjects. The “O co walczymy?” series proves that during the period of occupation, the National Party developed a comprehensive programme which included such issues as agricultural reform, education, higher education, the middle class, right for ownership, the judiciary, and work ethics. The local government and social organisations were to be the foundation of the “national political system”. Capitalism was to be the focal point of the system – as the source of moral standards and the safety catch protecting the national idea against distortion. The “O co walczymy?” series allows to imagine what the post-war Poland would be, if the power was not taken over by Communists.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.