Search results

1

Piece wapiennicze z południowo-zachodniej strefy osadnictwa kultury wielbarskiej w fazie lubowidzkiej na tle porównawczym – przegląd źródeł

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Michałowski A., Teska M.

Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia

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2015

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vol. 20

317-337

PL

This article is intended to complement the present state of knowledge on the lime production conducted in the area covered by the settlement of the Wielbark culture in the earlier stage of its development. The article includes a review of available evidence of such a production, reflected within a settlement by the presence of a lime kilns. The article focuses mainly on the presence of such features in the south-western area occupied by the Wielbark communities.

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The Settlement and Economy of the Pyrzyce Lowland in the Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Ages

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Chmiel-Chrzanowska M., Adamczyk M.

Przegląd Archeologiczny

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2022

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vol. 70

115-136

EN

The article presents the results of research on the settlement of the Pyrzyce Lowland, NW Poland, in the Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Ages. The central part of this area was covered in the past by a large water body, pre-Miedwie lake, which due to natural processes and subsequent human intervention was partially drained. In order to carry out the research, 85 Pre-Roman and 305 Roman Iron Age sites were catalogued. The main method of researching the spatial organization was triangulation and subsequent polygon networking. The results of the spatial analysis were confronted with data from lake Racze’s palynological profile. Thanks to this procedure information was obtained on settlement structures, population, environment and economy, as well as their changes in time. The similarities and differences between the Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Ages were then discussed. During the research a strong suggestion of settlements having been relocated according to changes of the palaeo-shoreline of pre-Miedwie lake was concluded. Also, the change from inhabiting large and stable settlements in PRIA to single, often relocating farms in RIA was registered. There were no significant changes in terms of economy, which stayed diversified during the entire PRIA and RIA periods. The changes in anthropopression were most likely linked with changes in population size, reflecting 8 distinct phases of settlement in the area.

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Dla obcego inny grób? Wielkopolskie groby typu bustum jako przykład przyswojonej inności religijnej

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Żychliński D.

Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia

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2017

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vol. 22

221-230

PL

The paper is an attempt to present a model of an attitude towards strangers: getting to know, tolerating, accepting, and finally assimilating them, in terms of funeral rites, and thus of different religion. Such is a case manifested by an appearance of bustum type graves within the Przeworsk culture cemeteries in Wielkopolska (Greater Poland) in the Roman Iron Age.

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New finds of metal vessel elements of the La Tène period from Eastern Bohemia

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Mangel T., Horník P., Vrána P., Beková M.

Studia Hercynia

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 1

158-173

EN

The paper aims to assess a few new finds of metal vessels from the Late La Tène sites in Eastern Bohemia. These objects are first analysed from a formal and stylistic perspective, and subsequently discussed in the context of other similar finds and their significance. The bronze vessel feet from Černčice, Rozběřice, and an unknown site which belong to the category of Mediterranean imports are discussed – along with other representatives of Late Republican toreutics – also from the point of view of the La Tène period and the Early Roman Iron Age occupation. The find from Bolehošť, on the other hand, represents an unparalleled applique in the shape of a stylised bull head whose rendition corresponds with the West La Tène artistic approach.

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Popielnica – ubranie zmarłego? Stratyfikacja społeczna ludności Wielkopolski w świetle istnienia dwóch odmian urn w okresie wpływów rzymskich

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Żychliński D.

Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia

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2016

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vol. 21

505-519

PL

The purpose of this article is to explain why the communities of the Przeworsk and Wielbark cultures occupying Wielkopolska in the broadly-defined Roman period used two different types of cremation urns for burying their dead. The paper provides a description of both types of urns. Type I comprises thin walled, carefully made and burnished vase shaped vessels and situlas. Type II groups carefully made vessels with rough or roughened outside surface: pots, vase-shaped vessels and even cups. This paper provides an overview of previous ideas and interpretations of the phenomenon and examines the construction, grave goods and location of selected graves from two cemeteries of the Przeworsk and Wielbark cultures in Wielkopolska: Kuny and Kowalewko. A hypothesis explaining the presence of two urn types at that time in Wielkopolska is then proposed along with some research postulates and questions that will enable and guide further discussion on this intriguing issue.

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ŹRÓDŁA PISANE I ARCHEOLOGICZNE A POSTRZEGA NIE ORGA NIZA CJI PRODUK CJI SZK ŁA RZYMSKIEGO W LITERATURZE POLSKIEJ

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Krzyżanowska M.

Slavia Antiqua: rocznik poświęcony starożytnościom słowiańskim

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2020

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issue 61

67-84

EN

In Polish literature, the perception of the organisation of glass production during the Roman Empire was shaped mostly in the 1980s and the 1990s. Thus the local model of glass production prevailed in these publications. In this paper, based on archaeological and written sources, the author challenges this point of view towards the centralised model of glass production widely accepted by scholars.

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Między adaptacją a oporem? Uwagi o grobach „książęcych” z okresu wpływów rzymskich w Barbaricum

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von Carnap-Bornheim C.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

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2015

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vol. LXVI

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issue 66

183-200

EN

The articles introduction is referring to the “princely grave” (“Fürstengrab”) of Avaldsnes which was excavated in western Norway already in 1834. It contained amongst others weaponry, Roman import and a golden necklace. The grave dates to the 3rd century AD. Some 150 years later in Hagenow in western Mecklenburg a rich cremation grave of the first half of the 2nd century AD was excavated which differs in many ways from the grave from Avaldsnes. Both graves are defined as “princely graves”, but a clear archaeological definition of what a “princely grave” is still missing. The author wants to draw an overall picture discussing the relationship to the Roman Empire and the function of the “princely graves” in the great developments of Romano-Barbarian interrelationship. The first historical person to be mention is Arminius who was educated in Rome and who used his knowledge and skills to defeat the legions of Varus in 9 AD. Due to the written sources it could be stated that he had an important function in intertribal relationships of his time, so he could be called a “prince” representing a very special connection between the Roman Empire and the Barbaricum. An important grave of this early period is the Danish burial of Hoby in Lolland. The inventory clearly shows a high ranked person who was buried with a wide variety of Roman imports in the first half of the 1st century. Many pieces in that grave not have any parallels in the Barbaricum or even only very few ones in the Roman Empire. This inventory could be interpreted as reflecting the attitude of Barbarian chieftains to bring Roman influences and prestige goods to their homelands in order to adopt themselves in a way to Roman habits. But common tendencies for example in using prestige weapons as signs of power are missing at that time. This situation seems to change dramatically during the Marcomannic Wars of the late Early Roman Period. At this time Germanic tribes and chieftains seem to develop close strategic coalitions which brought the Roman Empire into deep trouble during the years between 166 and 182 AD. The Mušov grave excavated in the late 1988 is a key find. Weaponry and personal equipment could be set into wide reaching networks in the Barbaricum representing the military structures and connections during the time of the Marcomannic wars. For the first time Barbarian tribes north of the Danube play an active role against the Imperium Romanum and this new strength and barbarian interaction is to be traced in Mušov and some other “princely graves” of that time. It is argued in the paper that the inventory of the Mušov grave could be connected with Ballomarius who – due to the written Roman sources – played an important role during the start of this wars. The Roman import in this grave could be gifts to him during his negotiations with the Roman officials, the barbarian equipment like silver shield garnitures or rich belt equipment could represent his internal and military power. The “prince” of Mušov therefore is representing a new type of Barbarian leader who’s perspective in terms of internal coalitions between Germanic tribes seems to be much broader then visible in any grave of the Early Roman Period in the Barbaricum. At the beginning of the Late Roman Period these interrelationships began to become even wider as a strong Sarmatian impact is to be seen, e.g. in using golden “Kolbenarmringe”. This could be interpreted as an effect of the Marcomannic wars too. All these items could be seen as symbols of the developing comitatus (warband) which is a basic military structure of that time. The Scandinavian bog finds give clear evidence of these developments. In the 3rd century a kind of standardization is to be seen not only in the bog finds but in “princely graves” as well. The grave from Gommern in Saxony-Anhalt is an important key find as it contains a shield with rich silver fittings and a golden “Kolbenhalsring”. At this time Barbarian chieftains are in intensive communication and interaction. This kind of formation is the basis of all the troubles at the western borders of the Imperium: the limes. In the early and mid-4th century “princely graves” are rare and it seems to be very difficult to integrate them in the above describes system. But in this time some rich bog finds and some Scandinavian graves (Saetrang-Lilla-Jored-Group) seem to fill up the gap. At the end of the 4th century the situation is changing as such graves as the chief militaire in Vermand in Picardie are indicating the barbarization of the Western Roman Empire at that time. It is since the Markomannic wars that the Barbarian societies are increasingly in a course of confrontation and resistance than in the Early Roman Period. Over some 400 years the “princely graves” are representing this development that in the end was one of the important root of the late Antique society.

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Wschodnia strefa kultury przeworskiej – próba definicji

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Andrzejowski J.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

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2001

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vol. LIV

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issue 54

59-87

EN

The Przeworsk Culture existing for over 600 hundred years was, and actually still is recognised because of its chronological and territorial stability as an archaeological unit quite unique in Barbaricum. However, some peculiarities of the east-Przeworsk areas were noticed already although they hardly could have been analysed or even determined explicitly (T. Dąbrowska 1981a; 1981b; T. Dąbrowska, T. Liana 1986). Excavations on the Przeworsk Culture area east of the Vistula of the last 25 years have revealed a great number of well-dated sites, including several large cemeteries of some hundreds grave each (e.g. Niedanowo, Modła, Kołoząb, Kleszewo, Krupice, Kamieńczyk, Łajski, Nadkole, Oblin, Arbasy, Załubice). However, the most part of uncovered material still remains unpublished, or even not worked up. In the light of these surveys eastern Mazovia and Podlasie densely settled in the early Roman Period, particularly in the end of phase B1 and in phase B2 seems to be mostly interesting (Fig. 1). Although archaeological data from this territory corresponds in general with the standard of the Przeworsk Culture, it differs from the latter by some individual traits. However, the area cannot be recognised neither as an archaeological culture standing apart from the Przeworsk Culture nor even as a distinct local group of the latter. To define it I suggest the name the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture, attributing to this term both cultural and geographical meaning. Distinct features of the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture are expressed most of all in female costume, remarkably rich in comparison with western part of the culture. In phase B2 objects of copper alloy were preferred in this costume, while in western reaches of the Przeworsk Culture flourished manufacturing of iron ornaments based on local stylistic patterns. Distinction of the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture is exemplified by distribution of particular fibula types. For instance, in the east-Przeworsk zone there is a large number of eye brooches of Prussian series – over than 220 specimens have been recovered there so far (Fig. 2), of which cemeteries at Niedanowo, Modła, Kamieńczyk and Nadkole yielded even 30–40 specimens each. Number of distinct varieties of these brooches confirms their local manufacturing and stylistic evolution (Fig. 3). Eye fibulae dispersed all over much larger remaining territory of the Przeworsk Culture make no more than 30% of the number of brooches found east of the Vistula. Fibulae combining attributes of Almgren’s group IV and eastern series of group II make a local type distinctive for the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture (Fig. 5), where they were worn by adult women (J.Andrzejowski 1994a). Most of these brooches have the free end of the spring attached to the aperture on the head and formed into an ornamental knob. Such feature is also a common element of some early spring-cover fibulae of type Almgren 38-39 chiefly from the east-Przeworsk zone and the Wielbark Culture (Fig. 4). Bronze brooches derived from profiled trumpet--headed specimens (T. Dąbrowska 1995a), make another distinctive regional group. As a result of local evolution two variants arose: older one with still close affinities to the trumpet-headed fibulae, referred to as their type 5. (Fig. 6), and younger one with apparently simplified profile, referred to as their Mazovian variant (Fig. 7). In the western reaches of this zone some solid iron fibulae, being local varieties of Almgren’s group II and V. As a characteristic feature they have a spring hidden in a tubular encasement. However, the main area of their distribution locates west of the middle Vistula river (Fig. 8). Typical trait of the east-Przeworsk female costume is a large number of ornaments, mostly bracelets and long necklaces of diverse beads and pendants. Besides numerous melon-shaped beads of so-called Egyptian faience preserved in the cremation graves in relatively good condition very often are recovered beads of many-coloured glass usually, however, melted down or crushed. Probably the east-Przeworsk necklaces had been completed with some amber beads, which apparently gone during cremation. Interesting ornament feature so-called banded pendants made from a core (e.g. Cowrie shells, glass beads and balls, nuts, glass dices) winded with a narrow strap of bronze sheet. They were taken until now explicitly as result of the Wielbark Culture influences (T. Dąbrowska 1981a; 49; J. Andrzejowski 1992, 168f.). However, the earliest banded pendants from phase B1 came first of all from the Przeworsk Culture and the most part of their finds well-dated to the early Roman Period concentrate in the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture (Fig. 9). Apparently from this zone originates characteristic triangular pendants with a spring-like loop (Fig. 9) probably being a local, somewhat simplified variant of banded pendants. The Wielbark Culture or more broadly northern connections reveal large bipartite globular beads from bronze sheet decorated with engraved lines or embossed ornament (Fig. 10), like banded and triangular pendants. In the east-Przeworsk zone relatively common are also gold ball--shaped pendants and beads of silver filigree (Fig. 11). It is also Wielbark Culture where from wire S-clasps for fastening bead strings were borrowed (Fig. 12). The majority of them were produced locally from bronze, but also from silver and iron. Such iron S-clasps applied with junction loops (Fig. 12) were a local invention to secure a narrow thong used both in male and female dress (J. Andrzejowski 1997a, 110ff.). Ornament clearly differing female costume from the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture and its remaining territories are bracelets (J. Andrzejowski 1994b). Over a hundred of unprofiled bracelets found in the east-Przeworsk zone makes about 80% of all early Roman Period bracelets from the entire Przeworsk Culture (Fig. 13). Full adoption of bracelets in the standard female fashion in the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture is verified both by a diversity of bracelet types, besides unprofiled including also Pomeranian type of shield-headed bracelets, and a locally invented variant with profiled endings, so-called type Kamieńczyk (Fig. 13). Numerous bronze elements are also characteristic for the belts used in the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture, first of all strongly profiled belt-end fittings and belt links. Solid specimens mostly with reduced profile, dated chiefly to the phase B2 and known both in female and male belts predominate there (Fig. 16), unlike in the western reaches of Przeworsk Culture (cf. R. Madyda 1977, 380ff.). Very characteristic are also bronze belt links coming exclusively from the assemblages of phase B2 (Fig. 17). These elements are frequently combined to create a rich set of belt mountings dissimilar to one known from the western part of Przeworsk Culture (R. Madyda-Legutko 1984; M. Tempelmann-Mączyńska 1989, 65ff.). One may expect some northwestern affinities also in the case of uni- and bi-partite iron belt clasps from the Early Roman Period (R. Madyda-Legutko 1990). The weapons from the east-Przeworsk zone follow in general all types known from the entire Przeworsk Culture, nevertheless, some peculiarities are to be mentioned. In this zone lance points decorated with punched triangle motifs usually in so-called negative pattern seems to be relatively more frequent. This pattern amazingly resembles well-known pattern of the Early Roman Period pottery of the Wielbark Culture (Fig. 18), what was already noticed (P. Kaczanowski, J. Zaborowski 1988). It is also striking that most of the oldest Przeworsk lance points with silver inlay dated to phases B1/B2a came from its eastern zone (Fig. 20; cf. P. Kaczanowski 1988). The eastern areas of Przeworsk Culture produced also relatively many find of weapons made of bronze or with bronze elements. In this zone concentrate rare shield bosses type Jahn 7 with edges fitted in bronze and rivet-heads with bronze appliqué, quite common in the Elbian Culture and in western Scandinavia while almost missing in the western reaches of the Przeworsk Culture (T. Dąbrowska 1981a, 49; 1997, 91f.; J. Andrzejowski 1998a, 69; cf. N. Zieling 1989, 318ff., map 11). Single specimens with edges fitted in iron make a local Przeworsk Culture variety of such bosses (Fig. 19). Some features distinct for the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture are to be noticed in funeral pottery also. Among urns from phase B2 black smoothed or polished vases usually single- or three-handled seems to prevail. Ovoid or S-shaped coarse ware thick-walled urns with brownish body very common in the western part of the Przeworsk Culture are much less frequent in its eastern zone. Chronology of the large cemeteries confirms cultural meaning of this difference rather than chronological. A very typical for the eastern Przeworsk zone form of black ware urns is large, three-handled biconical vase with a triple-zone complex composition of designs consisting of three different motifs bounded by and interrupted by the handles (Fig. 21a, 22). Three handles are after all a pottery feature much more common in the territories east of the Vistula than in the remaining Przeworsk Culture area (T. Dąbrowska 1981a, 46). Another feature of the east-Przeworsk pottery is a rich ornamentation of the urns often in form of wide band of various motifs, what shows affinities to the Oksywie and early Wielbark Culture pottery (T. Dąbrowska 1995b; 1996). A variant of complex band ornamentation is the so-called narrative ornament consisting of an uninterrupted sequence of different motifs alternating in a fluid manner (Fig. 21b). Handles supported by a well-defined applied cordon sometimes forming a kind of profiled “tendrils” are also borrowed from the Wielbark Culture pottery (T. Dąbrowska 1981a, 46, fig. 2). Burial rituals of the east-Przeworsk zone follow cremation rite typical for the entire Przeworsk Culture. Lack of weapons in graves of Nidzica and Mława regions (J. Okulicz 1965; 1983; K. Godłowski 1985, 50f., 64ff.) may be connected with influences from Wielbark Culture. Very interesting although hard to explain are various stone settings known from northern and eastern Mazovian cemeteries, including quite elaborate assemblages in some way linked with burials (J. Okulicz 1970, s. 434ff.); however, most of them are yet not excavated. At the end of Przeworsk Culture in its eastern zone, i.e. in phase B2c–B2/C1a, share of poorly equipped pit burials grown up, what seems to be typical for the earliest Wielbark Culture graves in the area as well (T. Dąbrowska 1981a, 55; J. Andrzejowski 1989). Concluding we may ascertain that the Przeworsk Culture finds east of the Vistula, in Mazovia and Podlasie differ in the Early Roman Period from those of the remaining territory of this culture. The phenomenon appeared fully at the later phase B1 and increased in the phase B2. Finds from the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture testified then to strong affinity with the WielbarkCulture and northern areas of the Elbian Culture, some connections with the western Scandinavia are also noticed. Adoption of some strong foreign influences and combining them with typically Przeworsk Culture features grew up into a genuine east-Przeworsk style. Southern reach of the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture ranges approximately between the Wilga and middle Bug rivers although some east-Przeworsk features reveal in the west part of Lublin region, mostly along the Vistula, as well as west of middle Vistula, on the lower Pilica river and southwards. The nature of the east-Przeworsk zone suggest that the internal relationship of its people could have been based on their tribal difference from the population of the remaining Przeworsk Culture territory, however associated with them into an ethnic community of upper level. A distinct costume or at least some of its elements could be recognised as important sign of such self-identity. Spreading in phases B2 and B2/C1–C1a of the east-Przeworsk attributes generally south- and westwards is probably a consequence of some migrations correlated with a progressive process of cultural alteration in the territory of the eastern zone of Przeworsk Culture (T. Dąbrowska 1981a; 1981b; J. Andrzejowski 1989; cf. K. Godłowski 1985, 67ff.; 1986; A. Kokowski 1986; J. Okulicz 1989). The gradual progress of this change based doubtlessly on the former lively relationships of both cultures. Some features of the early stage of the Wielbark Culture in the newly assimilated territories east of the middle Vistula may be recognised as the result of local adoption of the Przeworsk Culture principles. They are, for instance, continuing use of some Przeworsk Culture cemeteries (J. Andrzejowski 1989), large number of cross-bow brooches made of iron (W. Nowakowski 1994), high frequency of burnt pottery in graves, including urns (e.g. Ł. & J. Okuliczowie 1976; A. Kempisty 1968; J. Jaskanis 1996), some similarities of pottery (R. Wołągiewicz 1993), and probably also absence of the inhumation ritual in the phases B2/C1–C1a. We may suppose that at least a part of former Przeworsk population remained in its homeland. However, clear depopulation of this zone in the turn of the early and Late Roman Period (T. Dąbrowska 1981a; K. Godłowski 1985, 67ff.; J. Andrzejowski 1989) indicates, in spite of close mutual relation that east-Przeworsk tribes still kept their identity perhaps basing on the ethnic difference between them and the Wielbark Culture tribes.

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New data regarding the question of interregional contacts in the Iron Age. Results of a surface survey in Czechy, Kraków district

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Dulęba P., Wysocki P.

Sprawozdania Archeologiczne

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2016

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vol. 68

301-325

EN

Surface surveys on a newly, accidentally discovered site in Czechy, Kraków district, yielded a large series of finds associated with the Przeworsk culture settlement. Its chronology ranged from the younger Pre-Roman Iron Age all the way to the early Migration Period. The detailed surface survey revealed numerous imports from the Celtic and Dacian settlement zones, as well as items of a provincial Roman origin. The finds presented in the paper indicate that the most intensive contacts with areas south of the Carpathians might be dated to the final stage of the La Tène period and the turn of the early and late Roman Iron Age.

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Zniszczony pochówek z zawieszką lunulowatą z Półwyspu Sambijskiego

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Skvorcov K. N.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

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2014

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vol. LXV

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issue 65

277-283

EN

From the investigation of a cemetery in the locality Logvino in the northern area of the Sambian Peninusula (Fig. 1) made in 2012 and 2013 comes a gold lunula pendant, presumably an element of a grave inventory (‘assemblage 1’) from a destroyed female cremation burial (burials?). The pendant, decorated in a style characteristic for the Leuna-Hassleben horizon (Fig. 2), finds numerous analogies in finds from the territory of the Cherniakhiv Culture (Fig. 5). Except for the pendant, ‘assemblage 1’ consists of a silver buckle and silver rivetbosses from a belt, a fragment of a silver finger-ring, a fragment of a silver shield-headed bracelet and a fragment of a silver brooch with a returned foot (Fig. 3 & 4). All of them date to phase С2 of the Roman Period; their style suggests exchange between the local community and the people of the Wielbark Culture in the Elbląg Heights.

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Cicho zmarli leżą – badania na cmentarzysku kurhanowym kultury wielbarskiej w Bagiczu, gm. Ustronie Morskie, pow. kołobrzeski, woj. zachodniopomorskie

75%

Chmiel-Chrzanowska M.

Raport

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2018

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vol. 13

85-96

EN

The following paper presents results of research on newly found barrow site of Wielbark Culture in Bagicz. The cemetery was discovered by LIDAR scan analysis. Thanks to this and terrain verification a total number of 57 mounds of varying size and degree of destruction were noted. To define estimated chronology of the site one of the barrows was excavated. Relation of that kind of site to Wielbark Culture is very interesting, especially in the context of its location as well as the cultural situation in the Roman Iron Age at the estuary of the Parsęta River.

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Ze studiów nad obrządkiem pogrzebowym społeczności kultury wielbarskiej na Pojezierzu Gnieźnieńskim. Przykład cmentarzyska w Palędziu Kościelnym (stan. 1) w powiecie mogileńskim

75%

Smaruj A.

Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia

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2016

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vol. 21

459-490

PL

This paper presents the results of archaeological excavations at the burial mound cemetery used by a Wielbark culture community at Palędzie Kościelne, in the Gniezno Lake District. The sources provide further contribution to a better understanding of the funeral rites of the communities occupying north-east Wielkopolska during the Roman Iron Age.

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A Roman gilt finger ring from Přelouč and other Roman‑Period settlement finds

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Jílek J., Pukanczová A., Pešta M., Urban P.

Studia Hercynia

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2022

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vol. 26

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issue 1

174-195

EN

A collection of Roman Period metal objects was acquired with the help of a metal detector survey in the vicinity of Přelouč. The artefacts were handed over to the City Museum in Přelouč. Of special impor tance among this collection is a Roman gilt finger ring made from a copper alloy, dated back to the 2nd–3rd centuries AD, and a pyriform balsamarium of the type Bienert 102/103. The collection is dominated by brooches, which can be dated from the end of the 1st century until the 4th century. Most of them belong to the Late or Final Roman Iron Age. This might indicate that the settlement reached its peak within this time period.

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Uwagi o niektórych typach zapinek II grupy serii wschodniej Oscara Almgrena

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Mączyńska M.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

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2006

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vol. LVIII

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issue 58

159-184

EN

The study is concerned with brooch types A. II 38, 41 and 43; type A. II 41 brooches are discussed within the new classification proposed by J. Schuster (in the same volume). These forms have a distinctive distribution, something not always fully appreciated in earlier research. Brooches defined as forms F 1/F 3, with a very slender bow and spring-cover ornamented with imitation spring (Fig. 1:1.2), cluster on the lower Vistula River and to the west of this area, in the lake districts of Kaszuby and Krajna (Fig. 3, list 1). Chronologically they belong in phase B2a, although it is possible that they appeared still during the transitional stage from B1b to B2a. It appears that the centre of production of these brooches lay somewhere in the lower reaches of the Vistula River. In his analysis of type A. II 41 brooches J. Schuster selected as a criterion of classification the form of the entire brooch, its foot in particular, rather than details of construction. This led him to distinguish four main variants: I, X, Y and Z: variant I – with a straight, at times, lightly expanding foot, variant X – which includes two sub-variants: X 1 – with a trapeze--shaped foot, and X 2 – with a strongly expanded foot, which gives the brooch the form of a letter ‘X’; variant Y – characterised by a wide bow and a foot which usually tapers at the lower end, whereas variant X, also defined as ‘lower Vistula’ variant, has a wide bow, a flaring or a straight foot and a low-set crest. In the eastern region of the Central European Barbaricum A. II 40 and 41 brooches generally represent diagnostic (leading) forms in phase B2/C1. It does not appear from the review of finds discovered in context with these pieces that any of the four variants of type A. II 41, distinguished by J. Schuster, appeared earlier or outlived the other variants. However, interesting conclusions result from analysis of maps of distributions of these brooch variants. Finds of variant I brooches (Fig. 4, list 2) cluster in Vorpommern, in East Pomerania, and in Rugen. The only three sites with this brooch variant found more to the south are Kemnitz, Kr. Potsdam-Mittelmark, and two cemeteries of Luboszyce Culture at Biecz and Grabice. The easternmost find of variant I brooch is known from the region of Elbląg or the town itself, still on territory of Wielbark Culture. Variants X 1 and X 2 (Fig. 5, list 3) cluster in East Pomerania – including the right bank of the Vistula River – in the northern part of Wielkopolska (Great Poland), which during that time was occupied by Wielbark Culture, and in Luboszyce Culture. Their distribution pattern reflects plainly the migration movement of the Wielbark Culture people to the southeast, along the Bug River, something noted already by G. Domański and Y. V. Kukharenko. Finds of variant X brooches are less common in Przeworsk Culture; in addition, also, if iron brooches are taken into account, which if they do appear, then they have the form of variant X 1. A number of finds from the lower Danube is discussed below, with other types of brooches of northern origin, which form a concentration in that area, similarly as A. II 41 brooches to the west of the Odra River. A variant typical in Przeworsk Culture are A. II 41 Y brooches (Fig. 6, list 4), also noted in Luboszyce Culture, but less numerous than variant X. To the west of the Odra River finds of variant Y brooches are rare. In the border zone between Wielbark and Przeworsk Culture, on the lower Warta River, some Wielbark Culture cemeteries produced finds of variant Y (Fig. 6:29–31), whereas variant X brooches are known from the same area, also from Przeworsk cemeteries (Fig. 5:93–96), which could testify to direct Wielbark-Przeworsk contacts in this zone. A possible explanation for the presence of as many as twelve Y brooches in the hoard from Łubiana is that they were hoarded after being robbed in Przeworsk area but it less easy to explain the occurrence of nine similar specimens in two or more cemeteries in the region of Elbląg and the town itself. A. II 41 brooches of all the variants discussed so far, together with other elements characteristic for Wielbark Culture, eg, brooches type A. V, eighth series, so-called banded pendants, snake bracelets and others, during phases B2 and B2/C1 start to be recorded across the Odra River, and take in their range Pomerania to the west of the Odra River (Vorpommern), Rugen and, to a lesser extent, Lower Lusatia; this induced J. Schuster to speculate that a small group of Wielbark Culture people migrated west, perhaps a similar development as population shifts on the middle Danube. Variant Z brooches (Fig. 7, list 5) are correctly linked by J. Schuster with the region on the lower Vistula, since barring only three finds, in Pomerania all other brooches of this type originated to the east of that river, despite the fact that the longest series of these brooches comes from the cemetery at Ciepłe, distr. Tczew, found to the west of the Vistula. It is conceivable that a workshop active in the area produced these brooches, but they did not reach the zone of Odry-Węsiory-Grzybnica type cemeteries. This cannot be explained away by difference in time, since variant Z brooches co-occur with forms diagnostic for phase B2/C1, encountered also in Odry-Węsiory-Grzybnica cemeteries, ie, in lake districts of Kaszuby and Krajna, before they were abandoned. Only in the region more to the east (Fig. 7:16.18), towards the Great Masurian Lakes district variant Z brooches are noted in graves in contexts dated to phase C1a. It is interesting that A. II 41 brooches, which form such a great concentration in Wielbark Culture, are noted only sporadically in West Balt deposits, where they represent imports from Wielbark Culture. Similarly as type A. II 41 brooches, type A. II 43 forms are a diagnostic form in phase B2/C1, characteristic for women’s dress accessories, and almost invariably made of bronze, occasionally with gold or silver inlay. The form developed most probably in Przeworsk Culture, this is indicated by their concentration at the centre of Przeworsk territory (Fig. 8, list 6). The second concentration is observed on the middle Danube and is associated by T. Kolník with the migration in 166–169 AD of the Langobardii and Obii to the Danube, by M. Olędzki – with the migration of the Vandal Victovalii. J. Tejral basing on finds of ‘Przeworsk’ character, as eg iron brooches – type A. V, series 8, 10 and 11, silver inlaid trumpet brooches – A. IV 76, and subsequently, brooches type A. V 129, A. II 41, 43 and A. V, series 1, and certain types of pottery and Ginalski group E spurs, which visibly cluster on the middle Danube, sees two larger waves of infiltration of Przeworsk people to the middle Danube, which he interprets as the arrival of smaller groups rather than whole tribes. K. Godłowski understood the same group of objects as evidence of long-lived contact between neighbouring peoples but did not rule out migration of individuals or small groups from the North. The entire discussion was recently summed up by J. Rajtár, who interpreted finds of A. II 43 brooches from old museum collections in Roman provinces (List 6), in Pannonia and Dacia Porolissensis, as traces of the presence of Germanic women, war captives or hostages. A. Kokowski and Y. B. Maleev recently drew attention to the easternmost range of these brooches. Their occurrence in Luboszyce Culture and among Western Balts (in the latter case just three finds) could suggest arrival of Przeworsk women to the area. The mapping of individual brooch types does not always produce such interesting results as ones outlined above. In many cases it would be helpful to distinguish variants of O. Almgren types, but under the condition that different subvariants are identified to reflect actual culture differences, rather than being a mechanical division, made on the basis of secondary criteria. The internal classification of type A. II 41 brooches proposed by J. Schuster, is an example of previously unexploited potential.

15

Modła, grób 169 - pierwsza trepanacja czaszki z okresu wpływów rzymskich z ziem polskich

75%

Andrzejowski J., Stanaszek Ł. M., Mańkowska-Pliszka H.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

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2006

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vol. LVIII

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issue 58

185-200

EN

The cemetery from the Roman Period at Modła, comm. Wiśniewo, distr. Mława, was excavated in total in the years 1976–1986. More than 300 ancient features were discovered, which were almost exclusively graves from the end of the old and the first ages of the new era: over 190 graves from the Przeworsk Culture (from the final stage of phase A3 to the late stage of phase B2), around 60 graves from the Wielbark Culture (from phase B2/C1 to the early phase of the Migration Period), and around 45 further graves of undetermined cultural origin, surely, or most probably from the Roman Period. The majority of the graves from Modła contained cremation burials. Relatively few of them were inhumation graves – there were only 23 such graves discovered. During the anthropological studies of the bone remains from one of the inhumation graves (no. 169) it was noted that the buried individual had been subjected to an intravital skull trepanation. This discovery deserves special attention as it is probably the first recorded case of such an operation from the Roman Period at the territory of Poland. Grave 169 was situated at the south-astern border of the cemetery, at a distinct slope of a hill at which the cemetery was located – about 5 meters below the top of the hill. The bones of the skeleton, oriented along the N-S axis, with the head to the north, were uncovered just under the surface, at the border of a large modern ditch. The description in the field log allows for a supposition that the burial was discovered in its original alignment. It is unknown, however, whether the unnatural arrangement of the skeleton was original or secondary (Fig. 1). The absence of any preserved furniture does not allow for precise dating of the burial, however, there is some indirect evidence indicating its cultural attributes. The orientation of the pit of grave 169 and the arrangement of the individual with the head to the north are typical of inhumation rituals of the Wielbark Culture. Among 23 inhumation graves from Modła, 18 most certainly or probably should be connected with the Wielbark Culture on the basis of the furniture, and only one should be connected with the Przeworsk Culture. Almost all pits of the inhumation graves were aligned N-S or NNW-SSE, and more seldom NW-SE or NE-SW. The only exception is the Early Roman Period grave from the Przeworsk Culture, with the pit oriented along the NWW-SEE axis and the skeleton oriented with the head to the west. At the north-western Mazowsze, in the zone occupied by the Wielbark Culture from the beginning of phase B2/C1, a series of about 20 inhumation graves from the Wielbark Culture at Modła is quite exceptional. Five inhumation graves are known from the cemetery at Litwinki, distr. Nidzica, at which no fewer than 50 graves were discovered, while at other cemeteries, only single such graves are recorded. This also concerns the big cemetery at Niedanowo, distr. Nidzica, site 2, where there was only one inhumation grave among over 200 hundred burials from the Wielbark Culture. In the case of the Przeworsk Culture at the entire territory of Mazowsze on the right side of the Vistula, inhumation graves are very rare (fewer than 15 graves in total). However, almost all of the them come from the northern limits of the Przeworsk settlement zone (Szczepkowo-Zalesie, Bartki, and Niedanowo, distr. Nidzica, Modła, distr. Mława, Zgliczyn-Pobodzy, distr. Żuromin). The grave pits are variously aligned, although the orientation W-E and similar ones dominate, and the bodies of the dead were often laid on the side, and (or) with the legs pulled up. This absence of clear rules concerning the orientation of the grave and the arrangement of the body is characteristic of the inhumation ritual also at other areas of the Przeworsk Culture. The evidence presented above allows us to connect grave 169 with the Wielbark Culture and to date it generally to the Late Roman Period. The bones from grave 169 belonged to one individual. The gender features were not clear. However, the relatively big size and massiveness of individual bones (eg ribs, vertebrae, mastoid processes), the angle value between the neck and the shaft of proximal femur (ca 125°), and also the shape of the upper rim of the orbit and occipital, point to a male. The determination of the age of the dead was not easy because of the discrepancy between the ectocranial suture closure and dental age. All preserved fragments of the cranial sutures were exo- and endocranially opened on both sides. On the other hand, the degree of attrition of the surfaces of the masticatory system was quite considerable. It may be assumed that the skeleton under study belonged to a male individual who died at the age of early adultus (ca 20–25 years). He was around 165.5 cm tall. At two parietal bones, in the area beginning in the middle of the sagittal suture (pars lambdoidea, and pars obelica) and ending at the joint with the occipital bone (the area of lambda point), there is an oval hole (Fig. 2). The size of the cavity in the sagittal plane measured ca 59 mm, while in the frontal plane it was 39.5 mm. At the same time, the edges of this cavity were damaged post mortem in the area of lambda point and it was on the opposite site of the cavity. The actual post-trepanation hole was slightly smaller (48.5×39.5 mm). The characteristics of this cavity allows us to view it beyond any doubt as a hole resulting from craniotomy (status post trepanationem). The operation was carried out in vivo, which is supported by the fact that the edges of the cavity had healed intravitally (cf Figs. 2 and 3). An analysis of the bone margin at the outline of the hole (11.9 mm) points to a relatively long intravital period, which indirectly suggests that the trepanation could have taken place at a young age. The post-trepanation hole was made by using the method of scraping which was the most common method in all ancient periods. This is why the cavity had a regular oval shape, with the wall gently inclined inside, which is described in the literature as completed trepanation (involving the perforation of lamina interna). The location of the cavity is worth noting. It is in the parietal bones, close to the sagittal suture and the lambda point, as the middle zone of the head is connected with greater risk in such operations. This is due to the fact that right under the lid of the skull there is the Sinus sagittalis, whose disruption can result in instant death either due to vein damage or due to infection. The described surgical intervention belonged to the so called healing trepanations. However, a ritual (magical) character of this operation cannot be excluded. Everything points to the fact that the reasons for the craniotomy in the case of the individual in Modła were connected with the morphological features of his skull. The skull was characterized by an asymmetry (particular visible in the area of frontal, occipital and both temporal bones), the occipital scale was indented and had an irregular line of the nuchal crest and of the protuberantia occipitalis externa. This may testify to a pathological state of traumatic origin (injury of the occipital skull part). The bone density, visible in the X-ray picture agrees with age group of the individual obtained by anthropological methods. No signs of developmental disorders were observed in the bone structure (Fig. 3). Also the histological picture of bone trabecular tissue is symmetrical and regular, and no pathological changes are observed (Fig. 6). As far as the medical consequences of damaging the occipital lobe go (Brodman’s area 17 – V1 and V3), it can be assumed that the young man, following the craniotomy, could suffer from vision disorder. Only few cases of craniotomy are known from the area of Central Europe from the period between the late Neolithic and the early Middle Ages, which can be due to the insufficient state of research, small popularity of this operation type, but also the domination of cremation rite. Relatively numerous healing trepanations are recorded in Celtic materials from the present day area of Southern Germany, Austria, Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia. The only case of skull trepanation in vivo known from the territory of Poland and chronologically close to the find from Modła was recorded recently in grave 68 at an Oksywie Culture cemetery at Różyny, distr. Pruszcz Gdański (pow. gdański) – a burial of a male individual, age: senilis, and dated to phase A2 of the Late Pre-Roman Period. Three cases of craniotomy contemporaneous with the burial at Modła (coming from phases B2/C1–C2) were recorded at a big necropolis in Marvelė, ray. Kaunas in Lithuania. Apparently also from the Late Roman Period came the burial from the town of Nitranský Hrádok, distr. Nové Zámky, in Slovakia, while the grave from Merseburg-Süd, distr. Merseburg-Querfurt, in Sachsen-Anhalt is dated to the second half of the 4th cent. and the beginning of the 5th cent. AD. This chronological sequence, the territorial dispersion of graves with burials containing individuals with trepanation and the established fact that the operated individuals survived the trepanation indicates to us that the exceptionality of these cases is only apparent, and the surgical procedures connected with this type of operation had to be well known to the ‘barbarian’ medics of the time. This view is corroborated indirectly also by the surgical sets with instruments used for trepanation, which come from the Central and Southern European zone of Celtic settlement. A similar set (but without bone saws) is known from a warrior grave from a cemetery of the Przeworsk Culture at Żukowice, distr. Głogów, in Lower Silesia, dated to phase A1. Recently, Anette Frölich identified small trepanation saws, identical to the Celtic ones, in three coherent sets of personal grave furniture from the known bog deposit from Illerup in northern Jutland, to which also belonged scalpels and wooden needles for ‘rough sewing’ of cut wounds. It would therefore seem that we are dealing with some sort of first aid sets, most handy at battle fields and used by the ‘military’ medics of the time. Ernst Künzl describes the Celts buried with weapons and sets of medical instruments as warrior-surgeons – most surely the warrior from Żukowice was a ‘surgeon’ of this type. Head wounds, expected in battle conditions and the necessity of quick surgical interventions support the earlier expressed opinion, according to which craniotomy at the time of late antiquity at the territory of Central and Northern Europe were mostly healing in character. The sets from Illerup force us to assume that not only the necessity of such operations was taken into account, but also the necessary instruments and skills for their effective use in battle conditions.

16

Nieznane cmentarzyska z okresu wpływów rzymskich w Żmijewie Kościelnym i Żmijewie Gajach, w pow. mławskim

75%

Andrzejowski J., Stanaszek Ł. M., Grzymkowski A.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

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2006

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vol. LVIII

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issue 58

401-407

EN

In 2005 the regional museum in Mława (Muzeum Ziemi Zawkrzeńskiej) entered into its collections pieces from a cremation grave which had been discovered by accident at Żmijewo Kościelne, comm. Stupsk, distr. Mława. According to their finder, the clay vessel holding burnt bones lay at the foot of the side of a small gravel pit, in an area where it extended down to 2–3 m. The location corresponds to an archaeological site recorded during the 1983 fieldwalking survey as a settlement of Przeworsk Culture from the Roman Period, registered as Żmijewo Kościelne, site 1 (Fig. 1). Objects found mixed with cremated bones inside the bowl included a brooch of copper alloy and two uncharacteristic fragments from a three-layer bone and antler comb (Fig. 2:1–3). The funerary vessel – a bowl –may be classified either as type VIC, or 3rd variant of type XaA of Wielbark Culture pottery, acc. to Ryszard Wołągiewicz (1993, p. 14–15, 17, cf pl. 19, 27:5–7, 73). Both forms were as long-lived (phases B2/C1–D) as they were widespread across Wielbark Culture territory (op. cit., p. 26, 30, 102 list 6C, p. 110 list 10aA, maps 6, 11). The brooch corresponds in general to type 170 acc. to Oscar Almgren (1923, pl. VII:170). In Poland brooches similar to the specimen from Żmijewo are chronologically confined to phases C1b–C2 (K. Godłowski 1974, p. 39; 1985, p. 89; 1994, p. 487; R. Wołągiewicz 1993, fig. 1; A. Bursche, J. Okulicz-Kozaryn 1999, p. 143–144), although admittedly, some variants are given an even later attribution (type FG98; cf A. Kokowski 1995, p. 49; 1997, p. 723, 823 list 14a). In the brooch from Żmijewo the terminal of the foot is ornamented by two cross-wise incisions. A similar design is noted on some of the early variants of Almgren 161 brooches, eg specimens with arched bow and knobbed head, or type FM25, with incised/notched top of the bow, which are thought to be restricted chronologically on the whole to phase C1a. Ultimately the grave from Żmijewo may be dated to phase C1b. Definitely, it may linked with an as yet unidentified cemetery of Wielbark Culture. The funerary deposit from Żmijewo consisted of only a small amount of cremated human bones (209.3 g) of relatively poor diagnostic value. They all belonged to a single individual of unknown sex whose age was identified tentatively as maturus. It would appear from traces of fire which have been observed on the bowl that the vessel with the cremated bone remains was placed in a grave pit which was filled with smouldering remains of the funerary pyre. A small number of similar cases is known from other cemeteries of Wielbark Culture from the Late Roman Period in Mazowsze and Podlasie (Nadkole 1, distr. Węgrów, graves 23 and 25 – J. Andrzejowski, A. Żórawska 2002, p. 35, 36, 53; Cecele, distr. Siemiatycze, grave 378 – J. Jaskanis 1996, p. 52; Kłoczew, distr. Ryki, grave 68 – B. Balke 1971, p. 337). However, caution is needed in analysing similar cases as it is relatively easy to mistake for a cinerary urn a vessel which although admittedly it contained cremated bones but actually was an element of the grave goods which, placed in the grave pit prior to deposition of pyre remains, came to be filled with cremated bones by accident. The sandy workings of the gravel mine produced a dozen odd pottery fragments – prehistoric to medieval or possibly, early modern. Two were characteristic enough for attribution to Przeworsk Culture from the Early Roman Period (Fig. 3:1.2). A further site was recorded in 2006 at Żmijewo-Gaje, some 3 km SE of the gravefield at Żmijewo Kościelne, site 1 (Fig. 1). The area produced two stray finds of copper alloy brooches: Almgren 97 (Fig. 4:1) and Almgren 128 (Fig. 4:2). Both specimens are dated reliably to phase B2/C1 and linked with Wielbark Culture. Of special interest is the Almgren 97 brooch (cf O. Almgren 1923, p. 51, pl. V:97; Th. Hauptmann 1998, p. 164–165, fig. 9; T. Skorupka 2001, pl. 44/155:4, 149/481:2), a representative of a rare variant of brooches with three crests (Dreisprossenfibeln). The specimen from Żmijewo has morphological traits distinctive for type 97 brooches (crests on the head and bow, a crestless foot flared at the terminal), but stylistically it is evidently close to late forms of crest-headed brooches, Almgren V series 8, and late spring-cover brooches, eastern series, in particular, variants X2 of Almgren 41 brooches. Their area of discovery, state of preservation and dating indicates that the two brooches originate from a previously unrecorded cemetery of Wielbark Culture (Żmijewo-Gaje, site 2). May it be added that surface survey of 1983 identified in the immediate neighbourhood of this site, west of the road running to the village Żmijewo-Szawły, a site defined by ceramic finds as early medieval (Żmijewo-Gaje, site 1). The gravefields from Żmijewo Kościelne and Żmijewo-Gaje belong to a local ‘Mława’ cluster’ of settlement which continued with varying intensity starting from phase A1 of the Late PreRoman Period as far as the early phase of the Migrations Period. At a small distance from Żmijewo lie cemeteries at Trzpioły (T. Dowgird 1889, p. 23–25, 32, pl. IIIA), Stupsk (E. Reinbacher 1964; A. Niewęgłowski, J. Okulicz 1965; A. Grzymkowski 1996, p. 167–179), Dąbek (A. Grzymkowski 1996, p. 182–185; A. Mistewicz 2005), Modła (A. Grzymkowski 1986; 1996, p. 154–167; J. Andrzejowski, in print). A further number of corresponding sites, less well investigated include Garlino-Zalesie (J. Okulicz 1965a; A. Kietlińska 1972; PMA, IV/500), Budy Garlińskie (A. Grzymkowski 1987), Kitki (J. Antoniewicz, M. Gozdowski, 1951, p. 54–55; J. Okulicz 1965a; 1965b; 1970, p. 427 note 24, pl. I:2; M. Wyczółkowski 1990), Konopki (A. Grzymkowski 1983, p. 11; MZZ), Purzyce-Trojany (unpubl., Muzeum Szlachty Mazowieckiej in Ciechanów), Stare Kosiny (J. Okulicz 1965a; A. Niewęgłowski 1972, p. 242; A. Grzymkowski 1996, p. 198), Stara Sławogóra (T. Dowgird 1889, p. 25–30, 32, pl. IV) and Mława (S. Krukowski 1920, p. 89; J. Okulicz 1965; A. Grzymkowski 1983, p. 12). Pottery finds dated generally to the Roman Period are known from a further dozen-odd sites discovered during fieldwalking surveys. Almost all of the better investigated cemeteries of the ‘Mława’ settlement cluster produced material of Przeworsk and Wielbark Cultures (Modła, Dąbek stan. 5, Kitki, Stupsk), in which they resemble the situation at numerous gravefields dating from the Roman Period to the east of the Vistula in Mazowsze and Podlasie (cf J. Andrzejowski 1989; 2001, p. 108–109, fig. 9; 2005b, p. 117).

17

Gotlandic pottery outside Gotland

63%

Eriksson T.

Światowit

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2018

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vol. 57

101-115

EN

The article discusses contacts and networks along the eastern coast of Sweden and around the Baltic Sea. The focus is on the decorated pottery c. 0–700 AD. Sweden and Scandinavia had different regional styles of pottery during this period. One of the most distinctive Scandinavian styles is found on Öland and Gotland. This style is distinguished by the elaborate use of stamps and vessels with handles positioned from the rim to the shoulder. Vessels made in this style are found outside the large islands, notably in Svealand, i.e. the lake Mälaren Basin in central Sweden, as well as in northern Sweden. More interesting is the spread and influences in the Dollkeim-Kovrovo culture, in north-eastern Poland, and Oblast Kaliningrad. During the Roman Iron Age, a special type of beaker is found from the Mälar basin to Gotland/Öland and further on in Oblast Kaliningrad. The connection can also be seen in dress ornaments and other artefacts. The regional differences in the pottery decrease during the Vendel Period (c. 550–800 AD). A new style of stamped vessels is spread from the Langobards in northern Italy to England and Scandinavia and marks a new, more uniform material culture. This marks probably a new area of more complex and centralised political units.

18

Nowa odmiana uzdy z wodzami łańcuchowymi z cmentarzyska kultury bogaczewskiej w Paprotkach Kolonii, stan. 1, woj. warmińsko-mazurskie

63%

Bitner-Wróblewska A., Karczewska M., Karczewski M.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

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2001

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vol. LV

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issue 55

65-86

EN

Among materials recovered to date from the cemetery of Bogaczewo Culture at Paprotki Kolonia, site 1, gm. Miłki (woj. warmińsko-mazurskie), worthy of special note is the assemblage of grave 72 which included a rich assortment of weapons, belt elements, and above all, a unique iron horse bridle with chain-link reins. The cemetery at Paprotki Kolonia, site 1, lies in the region of Mazurian Great Lakes, some 3 km SE of the village of Paprotki (Fig. 1). It occupies a slight elevation between the peatland Nietlice (former lake) and waterlogged meadows surrounding the Zielone Bagno bog. The cemetery was discovered in 1983 by L. Paderewska MA and L. Gajewski MA during the archaeological penetration of Mazurian peatlands. From 1991 the site was systematically excavated. So far some 170 cremation graves were discovered as well as the remains of a funerary pyre. It is difficult to establish accurately the number of all graves because a number of them were discovered on a secondary deposit in the fill of trenches dating to the first world war. The earliest assemblage, dated to phase A3–B1, is grave 33, which yielded a bronze pin type A acc. to B. Beckmann. The latest burials date to the Migration Period. Grave 30 contained a comb with a bell-shaped grip (phase D) while grave 1 produced a spiral ring with the coil hammered into a disc (phase E). Most burials are dated to the younger phase of the Early Roman Period and older phase of the Late Roman Period. This chronology also applies to the assemblage from grave 72, of special interest here. Grave 72 was discovered 45 cm below the line of turf. It contained a double burial – an urn containing the remains of an early adultus or early maturus female or a fragile delicately built male individual) and a pit burial of an adultus-maturus male). The pit grave was circular ca. 1 m in diameter; its SE section had been disturbed by other burials. In section grave 72 formed a regular pit with a flat bottom, its fill consisted of intensively black earth mixed with rusty-red sand. Its maximum depth was 45–47 cm. The rich assemblage recovered from grave 72 included the following finds: a horse bridle with a ring bit and chain-link reins (Fig. 6), elements of a shield (type J.7a shield-boss, rivets – fig. 7:1,6,7), a knife with a hilt and scabbard mounts (Fig. 7:2,13), ten arrow points (Fig. 8), a belt set consisting of a buckle with a double spike R. Madyda-Legutko type AG42, belt hanger and three belt-end fittings, including a type J.II1-2 acc. to K. Raddatz (Fig. 9:1–3,6,19), another belt set consisting of a belt buckle with an elongated ferrule type AG12 (Fig. 10:2), a rectangular fitting and cross-shaped fittings (Fig. 10:9). Other grave goods included two fibulae with three cross-bares, type A.96 (Fig. 10:6,7) and appliqué bosses representing an ornament of female head-dress (Fig. 10:3–5). Grave equipment included a cinerary urn with a high-set funnel neck and body of broad proportions, its greatest diameter set slightly below mid-height of the vessel (Fig. 11). The urn was fitted with a 4-segment vertical handle. Basing on the pair of fibulae type A.96 from grave 72 may be dated to phase B2/C1–C1a. Other grave goods such as the type J.7a shield-boss confirm this chronology and the belt set with the double-spiked belt buckle. The other belt buckle having a rectangular, bipartite frame and ferrule, which in the assemblage in question may represent an old fashioned form, occupies a slightly earlier chronological position. A special position in the inventory of the discussed grave is definitely occupied by the horse bridle with chain-link reins, made entirely of iron. Its unipartite mouthpiece has the form of a rod bent four times at right angles. A horse harness with such a mouthpiece and a metal throatlatch made it much easier to control the horse something important in combat. The bridle from Paprotki also features chain-link reins which consist of three elongated and three annular links. The elongated links are formed of rods polygonal in section hammered at both ends into an eye and coiled around the annular links. The elongated links are decorated centrally and at the ends with pairs of engraved lines, the eyes – with deep grooves or engraved designs in form of an arrow, diagonal grid, triangle or chevron. Fittings of the side straps of the bridle are rectangular – an iron rod was twisted into an eye around the links of the bit, its ends hammered flat into thin plates joined to the strap by a single rivet. The bridle from grave 72 at Paprotki Kolonia belongs to the sub-type of bridles with chain-link reins encountered in the Barbaricum in the Roman Period and the Migration Period. Bridles of this type have the mouthpiece made of a rod bent four times at right angles, throatlatch and rings of the bit. Fittings for attaching side straps of the bridle are T-shaped. Chain-link reins formed of elongated and annular links were almost exclusively in bronze; only the mouthpiece was iron. Several systems of classification of the discussed category of finds are proposed in literature (T. Baranowski 1973; M. Ørsnes 1993; S. Wilbers-Rost 1994). Although they differ in their methodological assumptions they arrive at basically similar divisions. The main criterion is the shape of the chain links. They may be figure-of-eight with a cylindrical or a tapering central section, the shape of joined acorns or slender elongated and flat links, broad annular links. The last type of links characterises the latest specimens of chain-link reins dated to the Early Migration Period. Chronology of the remaining types fits between phases B2 and B2/C1. The bridle from Paprotki fits the basic criteria and may be classified without difficulty the subtype of chain-link reins. It has a number of distinct features, which argue against including it in any of the variants known so far. This is mainly because of the different shape of the elongated chain links. Another element unseen in previously recorded chain-link reins is the substitution in the Paprotki bridle of hooks for attaching side thongs by fittings in the form of elongated rectangles. Furthermore, the specimen in question was made entirely of iron, something very rare in this type of elaborate horse trappings. In view of its unique features the bridle should be classified as a new variant of a chain-link reins – variant Paprotki. It presumably represents an imitation of models originating in Samland, produced locally by a master blacksmith. On Balt territory horse bridles with chain-link reins occur in concentrations chiefly in Samland with several specimens known also from Mazurian Lakeland (Fig. 12). Isolated specimens were also encountered in western Lithuania where they probably represent imports from Samland. A definite majority of horse bridles from Samland are showpieces, fitted with brass chain-link reins, while Mazurian specimens tend to be incomplete and lack metal reins. This makes the find from Paprotki even more special. The discussed assemblage from grave 72 contained yet another unique element i.e., a set of ten different arrow points. All had stems but differed in the shape of the leaf and proportions. They represent forms unknown in other areas of the Central European Barbaricum, only rarely encountered in the culture of the western Balts (Mojtyny, grave 59, Szwajcaria, barrow 15, grave 2). Among the furnishings in grave 72 at Paprotki also striking is the unusual ornament seen on the urn. In the upper part of its body, below the neck, the vessel is ornamented with four groups of diagonal and vertical lines forming stylised arrows. It would seem that such an ornament had been chosen deliberately as it immediately brings to mind the set of arrows found in that grave.

19

Dobór i układ darów w inhumacyjnych grobach książęcych z pierwszej połowy I tysiąclecia po Chr. w północnej i środkowej Europie

63%

Schuster J.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

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2014

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vol. LXV

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issue 65

5-44

EN

Arrangement and distribution of grave offerings in princely inhumation graves from the first half of the first millennium AD in northern and central Europe Summary In the richly furnished “princely graves” of the Roman Iron Age and the Migration Period we encounter a range of luxury objects imported from the territory of the Roman Empire, and often, also objects manufactured locally from precious metals or decorated with gold and silver, personal effects and animal bones remaining from the offerings of meat. In better documented inhumation graves of this group there is an evident system of distribution of the grave offerings, usually interpreted as an expression of the division of the sepulchral space into different “living” areas arranged for the buried individual. From this perspective all the elements of the grave furnishing are meant to serve the dead in the afterlife. In this article discussion is made of the construction and dimensions of princely graves as “containers” used in preserving the dead individual, its furnishings, and the meaning of selected elements of the grave goods are examined at more length. In the process emphasis is placed on the possible function played by individual elements found inside the grave, the question of whether they were arranged to suit the needs of the dead individual, their possible direct association with the deceased – because of the function they played during the burial ceremony. In other words: is a grave an expression of individual identity only, or possibly, of a group identity as well? In literature the phenomenon of princely graves has been examined in association with the concept of a grave chamber. In the case of richly furnished graves the term “chamber” is related to two matters: first, it stands for the construction which encloses a specific space, second, it is an architectural element, a structural stage setting for the dead body and objects deposited with it. The point is to situate the dead individual appropriately, but even more importantly, his or her possessions and grave offerings – in an arrangement in which they are needed during the burial ceremony and/or to the dead individual once the grave has been sealed – in the afterlife. If, during the Younger Roman Period it is common for the princely graves to have a grave chamber, analysis of their counterparts dating to the Early Roman Period shows that during this age in the Central and the Northern European Barbaricum grave chambers are rare. Pieces of furniture such as a bed, tables, chairs, etc. are also absent in graves built before the Younger Roman Iron Age. Possibly, this is evidence of the evolution of the idea of the princely grave within the Germanic Barbaricum very likely, inspired by Roman customs. The form and the construction design of the princely graves is not uniform. Next to classical chamber graves we can distinguish graves with a very large but flat chest-like coffin, graves with a burial deposited under the floor and graves with an extremely long grave pit. An interesting phenomenon, quite characteristic for princely graves, is the deposition of additional dress accessories in the grave. The presence of multiple sets of clothing or its elements is confirmed already for burials dated to phase B1. Not once, the dress accessories, like brooches, appeared to have been made specifically solely for the purpose of the funeral/burial. Their significance was only symbolic – they were meant to “glitter” during the presentation of the dead individual emphasizing its position. Other objects of this sort are also marks of status, e.g., neckrings and finger-rings. In a number of burials some of the dress accessories evidently had been treated differently from the rest, deposited inside pouches or caskets. The impression is that some of these “additional” brooches did not really have a utilitarian function but had been placed there for their precious metal, possibly as a symbol of power or status, or as a “personal treasure”. One of the principal features of princely graves is the presence of imported vessels in their inventory. The frequent recurrence of the same vessel forms, used within the Empire in making libations, has been explained by the adoption of the Mediterranean custom of symposion by the barbarian elites. In many Early Roman Iron Age graves bronze vessels have been found in an inverted position, as if to protect glass and silver vessels deposited under them, alternately, some vessels were placed inside other vessels – they were not meant to demonstrate the personal wealth of the buried individual, their arrangement was not prepared with the intention of making a status display. Things are somewhat different during the Younger Roman Iron Age, but we cannot be sure whether a given vessel is not a remnant of the funeral ceremony and feast held at the grave, so-called Totenmahl. After being used the vessels were ritually buried in the grave to protect them from desecration – perhaps also for this reason bronze vessels are often found wrapped in some way. As for the Roman silver cups, everything seems to indicate that they were adopted in the Germanic world as symbols used in the local system of status display; needless to say, this process was set off by contacts with the Roman Empire. The position inside princely graves of imported vessels and vessels of local manufacture does not indicate, at least not during the Early Roman Period, the adoption by the local elites of the tradition of the symposion. It seems that vessels made of bronze, silver and glass were more likely to play the role of marks of status and/or rank of the dead individual within the social hierarchy in the Barbaricum. One of the main features of princely graves from the Roman Period is supposed to be the absence of weapons. This argument is problematic as it assumes a close relationship between inhumation, the ritual of princely burial and the absence of weapons. Not only does it overlook the fact that some princely graves have contained weapons, but also that the absence or presence of weapons could have be dictated by local custom. In a territory where no weapons or only their small number is found in princely graves this is probably the consequent of more general rules prevailing there, known to us from egalitarian cemeteries. In interpreting the inventory of a princely grave it is worth bearing in mind that the furnishings of the grave not only reflect the prosperity of the dead individual but, to a great extent, perhaps even more so, that of his/her kin. We also need to note that the composition of the inventory, and how the dead individual was presented during the funeral ceremony, was decided by the remaining members of the kin group, descendants or heirs of the dead individual. During the burial ceremony the deceased was presented according to its rank and the one pretending to succeed to power presented himself as someone worthy of being the successor. The yet unsealed grave may be understood to have served as a stage for a symbolic piece of drama at a time of change then taking place in the social structure of the group.

20

A Masłomęcz type brooch from Northwest Thuringia

63%

Schuster J.

Wiadomości Archeologiczne

|

2022

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vol. LXXIII

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issue 73

274-276

PL

W 2003 roku na stan. 44 w Ufhoven (dzielnica miasta Bad Langensalza), Unstrut-Hainich-Kreis w Turyngii (Ryc. 1), znaleziono fibulę w kształcie ptaka. Stanowisko jest znane dzięki licznym materiałom odkrywanym od wielu lat podczas badań powierzchniowych. Dzięki nim wiemy, że znajdująca się tu osada była zamieszkiwana od środkowego okresu lateńskiego po młodszy okres wędrówek ludów. Zajmowała ona obszar nie mniejszy niż 8 ha (na takiej powierzchni rozproszone są zabytki). Oprócz licznych fragmentów germańskiej ceramiki, lepionej ręcznie oraz robionej na kole garncarskim, zarejestrowano setki innych znalezisk, w tym germańską biżuterię i elementy stroju wykonane z metali kolorowych i szlachetnych, a także szerokie spektrum importów rzymskich, takich jak monety, fragmenty ceramiki terra sigillata i naczyń metalowych, elementy ekwipunku wojskowego, fibule, pierścionki, liczne fragmenty rzymskich żaren z bazaltu, misternie odlana, pozłacana srebrna figurka koguta (część statuetki Merkurego) itp. Stanowisko dostarczyło również bezpośrednich i pośrednich dowodów na intensywną obróbkę metali nieżelaznych, w tym szlachetnych, i żelaza. Większość materiałów germańskich i rzymskich pochodzi z końca wczesnej lub z późnej rzymskiej epoki żelaza (od połowy II do końca III wieku). Wykonana ze stopu miedzi zapinka ma 3,8 cm długości (Ryc. 2). Zabytek ten jest formą całkowicie obcą w germańskim środowisku ówczesnej Turyngii, znajduje natomiast kilka analogii we wschodniej części Europy Środkowej i w Europie Wschodniej. Ostatnio ich znaleziska zestawiono i omówiono w kilku pracach, pomijając jednak opublikowany już dawno ‒ choć w publikacji popularnonaukowej ‒ okaz z Ufhoven. Fibule te, często zwane „kaczkowatymi”, ostatnio określono jako fibule typu Masłomęcz. Datowane są one na podfazę C1a młodszego okresu wpływów rzymskich. Trudno stwierdzić, w jaki sposób zapinka z Ufhoven trafiła w głąb Turyngii. Jednym z możliwych scenariuszy jest egzogamia, ponieważ fibule typu Masłomęcz należały do kobiecego zestawu stroju.

EN

From a settlement site at Ufhoven, part of Langensalza in Thuringia, comes a bird-shaped brooch of copper alloy, which can be classified as belonging to the Masłomęcz type. According to well-dated parallels in Eastern Poland and Western Belarus, it can be placed in the beginning of the Younger Roman Iron Age, i.e. subphase C1a. The site at Ufhoven yielded rich material of Germanic and Roman origin and seems to have been a residence of Germanic elites.

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A Masłomęcz type brooch from Northwest Thuringia