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PL
Wiosenny szczyt Rady Europejskiej w 2010 roku ma przyjąć nową europejską strategię rozwoju, która zastąpi kończącą się właśnie, uchwaloną w 2000 roku, Strategię Lizbońską. Artykuł przedstawia wyniki konsultacji na temat przyszłości Strategii Lizbońskiej po 2010 roku, przeprowadzonych przez europejski Komitet Regionów wśród przedstawicieli regionalnych i lokalnych władz krajów członkowskich UE. Większość respondentów uznała, że SL wniosła wartość dodaną zarówno na poziomie UE, jak i krajów członkowskich. Strategia odegrała bardzo istotną rolę, zwłaszcza w uświadomieniu potrzeby reform strukturalnych, niezbędnych dla stawienia czoła wyzwaniom, przed którymi stanęła UE w dobie globalizacji. Zarazem konsultacje ujawniły silny krytycyzm regionalnych i lokalnych władz, dotyczący sposobu wdrażania strategii. Uznano, że wielopoziomowe zarządzanie wymaga, aby regionalne i lokalne władze były w pełni włączone w tworzenie i implementację nowej strategii. Najczęściej wymieniane przez regionalnych i lokalnych respondentów propozycje obszarów priorytetowych, które powinny znaleźć się w nowej strategii rozwoju Unii Europejskiej to: bezpieczeństwo energetyczne, trwały i zrównoważony rozwój, jakość życia i spójność społeczna, polityka innowacyjna, stabilność finansowa, imigracja. Powszechnie twierdzono, iż nowa strategia powinna być monitorowana w oparciu o szerszy zestaw wskaźników, zwłaszcza w wymiarze społecznym i środowiskowym. Respondenci postulowali też poprawę komunikacji strategii, w co w większym stopniu powinny być włączone władze lokalne i regionalne. Choć konkurencyjność i spójność postrzegane są przez wszystkich respondentów jako kluczowe kategorie związane z koncepcją agendy lizbońskiej, poglądy na temat właściwego sposobu prowadzenia polityk w tych obszarach i ich hierarchii różnią się. Jakkolwiek większość respondentów, rozumiejąc silne wzajemne interakcje między konkurencyjnością i spójnością, widzi konieczność prowadzenia polityk, które zarazem wzmacniają konkurencyjność, jak i chronią, i wspomagają spójność. Jedną z przyczyn trudności w realizacji SL był fakt, iż szereg polityk, istotnych dla jej powodzenia, leży w gestii krajów członkowskich. Ta sytuacja może w przyszłości częściowo ulec zmianie wraz z wejściem w życie Traktatu Lizbońskiego, wprowadzającego nowe mechanizmy i instrumenty koordynacji unijnych polityk.
EN
The 2010 Spring European Council is due to adopt a new European strategy to follow the Lisbon Strategy launched in 2000 and coming to an end in 2010. The paper presents the outcome of the Committee of the Regions’ (CoR) consultations with European regional and local authorities concerning the future of the Lisbon Strategy after 2010. According to the great majority of respondents, the Lisbon Strategy brought added value to the European Union. It served to increase awareness of the need of structural reforms in the EU in order to face internal and external challenges, particularly globalization. On the other hand, there is much criticism concerning the implementation of the Strategy. Local and regional authorities should be fully involved in designing the new strategy and its implementation, thus applying multilevel governance. The most frequently mentioned priorities of the new strategy were: energy security, sustainability (especially „green innovation” and „smart investments”), quality of life an social inclusion, innovation policy, financial stability and immigration. There is a broad consensus that the new strategy should be monitored by a broader set of indicators, especially in the social dimension and concerning the environment. Respondents call for a more effective communication strategy, involving regional and local authorities, to promote the key messages of the new Strategy. Although competitiveness and cohesion are seen by all respondents as key Lisbon-related concepts, their views differ on their hierarchy and the proper policy approach. The majority of respondents recognize strong interactions between competitiveness and cohesion and feel that there is the need of simultaneous actions that would enhance competitiveness while preserving social cohesion. One of the reasons for which the Lisbon Strategy failed to deliver the expected results was that many policies important for its success remained in the jurisdiction of member states’ governments. This can be partially changed in the future, as the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty means that new mechanisms and instruments of coordination for EU polices will be available.
EN
The article deals with foreign language learning policy making in Europe and in European higher education in particular. The study points out that demands are made not only for the recognition of a citizenship of residence, but also for an acknowledgement of the value of a diversity of languages and cultures for all countries. The leading European agencies (The Council of Europe, The European Union) decisions and activities directed at the promotion of foreign language learning in higher education are considered. The efforts made to raise awareness of the European Union and Council of Europe recommendations for promoting language learning and linguistic diversity across Europe and to promote European co-operation in developing language policies and practices for higher education are discussed. The article also focuses on the implications of the Bologna Process for the field of HE language education (languages and academic mobility, languages and employability, lifelong language learning). The investigated data prove that globalization and integration set a new economic context for the developments in HE foreign language provision. The adopted decisions are connected with raising foreign language proficiency at the individual, national and supranational levels. The tasks and practical solutions are aimed at the creation of a European Higher Education area, allowing for mobility of students, graduates and higher education staff; preparing students for their future careers and for life as active citizens; offering broad access to high quality higher education, based on academic freedom by means of promotion language learning in higher education and acquisition of foreign language skills. The calls for academic mobility lead to understanding that students, graduates, and teaching staff need a potentially wide range of communicative skills which arise out of the various tasks which they may have to perform in a foreign language (gaining access to specialised material in another language, participating in mobility programmes and in international projects, the professional communication skills, socialization skills etc.) The priorities of foreign language learning and teaching within European higher education context are characterized (needs analysis, professionally-oriented language learning, creating diversity of language learning models).
EN
Terrorism has become a global issue since the beginnings of the 21st century and it was to have been solved by countries which, at that time, had no experience in dealing with such criminal activity. There has been a very real sense of threat in many countries and, consequently, terrorism has become one of the most important problems for today’s world. It could be seen on many occasions that terrorism is an effective and ruthless way of causing physical damage and non-physical harm. Spreading fear among the general public has become one of the main objectives of terrorists and recent occurrences have clearly demonstrated that this is effective indeed. Taking such circumstances into account, it is hardly surprising that counter-terrorist activities are drawing more and more attention. Undoubtedly, continuous cooperation between countries on an international level for handling both global and regional threats is the most effective way of combating terrorism. As far as this is concerned, creating the relevant institutions over the course of many years is essential. The EU has long been trying to ensure conformity of the legal systems of its member states in order to make it possible to engage in efficient cooperation and to create a zone of safety and stability. However, it should be emphasized that there is still much to be done.
EN
The organization of environmental protection in Poland and the European Union is a mutual connection of competencies and a correlation of systems and rights according to national and EU laws. The legal system of the EU is the result of decades of cooperation undertaken by the will of the Member States known as the acquis communautaire. EU law has primacy over national law, which in practice means that in the event of a conflict between the provisions of national law and EU law, the national law is deemed inapplicable and needs to be adjusted by the Member State.
EN
Development of Agricultural Policy of the European Union is a good example of historical and ideological changes that took place recently in Europe. At first largely socialist it has changed over the decades into a policy which promotes active participation. The increased spending on rural development has increased both awareness and, as a result, compliance with environmental standards.
EN
Baltic Sea, as an area of strategic importance for Russia’s policy toward Europe, has become a place of showcase of Russia’s military might. Its primary purpose is to show the international community the level of determination Russian authorities express to make national interests of the Federation included in the global politics. The number of incidents which cannot be a ground for military action on a larger scale – even according to Russian conventions – requires a politico-military response by regional supranational organizations. The response should take the form of smart-power strategies and the formula of military involvement must go beyond purely defensive action in response to enemy action. Hence, it is necessary to determine the scope of comprehensive EU and NATO operations (due to the need to protect the territorial sovereignty of Sweden and Finland) to offset the forms of Russian incidental activities in a way that does not elevate political tension in the region. Such a reaction is possible through effective impact on forms of activities on the waters of the Baltic Sea, which are important for Russia, notably shipping. The European Union, and the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) in particular, has appropriate instruments to create an effective impact. On the other hand, the role of the North Atlantic Treaty should be to prepare and conduct systematic and comprehensive operations which limit the possibility of encroaching on the treaty territory and protect the member states against Russia applying instruments of hybrid war.
EN
Unemployment is classified today as one of the main threats to society. The phenomenon affects the lives of individuals, the functioning of families and society and development of the state. It is often the source of other social problems such as poverty, violence, or social pathologies. The article presents the scale and nature of unemployment occurring after 1989 in Poland and in selected European Union countries, i.e. the Netherlands, Spain, Slovakia and Latvia. It attempts to show the characteristic trends of the phenomenon over a period of more than two decades. Examples from the European countries analysed show that the situation in the labour market and the approach to employment are radically different. Individual countries are characterised by very different unemployment rates, which reflect their different size, economic and demographic potential, or are associated with the tradition of employment. The existence of differences seems to be normal, but their scale may give rise to concern. A characteristic feature of unemployment in the period analysed is its regional diversity, both in Poland and in the whole of the European community. Important factors that determine the level of unemployment are age, sex, education and people’s qualifications. The effects of long-term unemployment are very painful for the whole of society. Such a situation can lead to, amongst others, poverty, societal antagonism, violence and migration. The latter is an issue that the whole of Europe is currently struggling with. The uncontrolled influx of immigrants, including those migrating for economic reasons, causes fear of losing their job among Europeans, which in turn translates into the radicalisation of society. A role of the state and the EU institutions is to create an effective mechanism for the protection and support of the unemployed. This is a prerequisite for Europeans to continue the project which is a common united Europe.
EN
The latter European crisis reveals the fact that traditional agreements between governments of the Member States and supranational political and legal institutions of the European Union are not sufficient for the maintenance of European Union stability and integrity. Therefore, the political and legal sustainability of the European Union requires a certain metatheory as a methodology, which could essentially contribute to the coherent construction, interpretation and assessment of theoretical and practical issues of the European Union’s legal and political reality. This paper aims to explore two main questions: What is constitutionalism as a legal-political metatheory? What challenges are faced by this theory while addressing the specific EU legal-political reality construction problems? The results of the research reveal that constitutionalism as a metatheory is constituted by principles and values, which provide ideological support for the development of the nation, and performs a methodological function in the construction of legal and political reality. However, the EU’s political elite still seeks to legitimize constitutionalism as a political action theory, which, accordingly, legitimizes the respective legal policies it pursues. This process dangerously increases the gap between the EU’s political elite and the societies of its Member States.
EN
The fall of Communism in the Central and Eastern European countries in the year 1989, was a historical change had occurred after the demise of communism. The decline of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 was one of the most important proceedings of the period: the conclusive end of the Cold War and the Iron Curtain. After the disintegration of the former USSR, the Eastern bloc had started the modernisation of institutions and adopted the norms of democracy. The third wave of democratisation of Samuel P. Huntington’s theory would apply the democratic changes in Central and Eastern Europe and Romania as well. It traces the discussions and opinions of institutional and political development in Romania with special attention to the events around 1989 Post-communism and Eastern enlargement of the European Union. The paper assesses the role of the European Union to promote democratization through Eastern neighbour policy. The paper broadly discusses the institutional and political development in Romania and the role of Copenhagen criteria and the country’s accession to the EU in early 2007. The result of this article is that Romania has successfully integrated into the European Union but that democratization is declining in the country.
EN
The main problem described by the authoress of the present article is increased investment risk of family companies in Poland by worse economic situation in our country. Authoress’ planned aim of the present study is to demonstrate the joint-stock companies listed on the New Connect market who as potential investors must be aware of the risk connected with investing in financial instruments in The Alternative System of Turnover and their investment decisions should be preceded by proper analysis and, if situation requires it, consultation with an investment adviser, what for many micro, small and middle family firms is unfortunately simply too expensive. The condition to increase the level of investments in the researched family companies in Poland is coopetition of that companies with big holding companies or concerns from Poland and with economic entities from other EU countries. In order to do so was made an analysis of the researched enterprises which are joint-stock companies listed on the New Connect market with regard to the level of investments which can influence intensity of cooperation and competition of family firms in Poland with other economic entities
EN
This article aims to present the positions of minorities in Central and Eastern Europe since 1990. The analysis concentrates on relations between the various cultural and minorities group. The main outline is the concepts of minority rights and their multi-dimensional development of linguistic minorities and social development. There is a broad description of the social development of Roma in Central and Eastern Europe. Eastern European democracy promoters have made extensive use of their bilateral diplomatic channels to allow democratization laggards in the post-communist space a glimpse of what democracy looks like close to home and to give them encouragement and know-how to move forward with reforms.
EN
A treaty of association is a bilateral international agreement concluded between the European Union and a concrete individual state, whose aim is to develop mutual relations of the economic and political character. The first association agreements related exclusively to the economic sphere. Later they started to permeate other spheres, including political ones. Along with the evolution of the regulations of treaties of association, signing of such an agreement began to be perceived as one of the stages on the road to a state’s membership of the EU. Apart from this, the group of non-European states affiliated with the EU includes the following: overseas countries and territories, states of the Mediterranean Basin, African states, those of the Caribbean and the Pacific. The main goal of the association is to form lasting mutual relations which allow existence of a defined type of relations between the Community – currently the European Union – and a state which is not its member. In other words, association is one of the forms of the external activity of the European Union.
Human Affairs
|
2011
|
vol. 21
|
issue 4
403-421
EN
The concept of Europeanization has become very popular in studies of European integration and particularly in analyses on the post-communist countries undergoing extensive transformation on the road to European Union membership. Although the Europeanization process has been quite successful in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the same scenario has not played out in the western Balkans region. With the purpose of analysing the effectiveness and impact of the Europeanization process in the western Balkans, the main subject of the paper is Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU-related reform processes. Although Bosnia has been undergoing thorough Europeanizing reforms since the late 1990s, when the country entered the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP), it is still an unstable and dysfunctional country. That makes it the perfect case for assessing the possible shortcomings of the Europeanization process. Thus far, most scholars have concluded that domestic political elites in Bosnia are the only party responsible for Bosnia’s political deadlock. However, this paper analyses the continued Bosnian deadlock from a different perspective, trying to figure out the degree of responsibility the European Union shares in the country’s Europeanization process. Although uncooperative Bosnian political elites are to a great extent responsible for the continued political and social status quo, EU leaders are not faultless either. In fact, so far European leaders have often appeared to be deeply divided, incoherent, and short-sighted in terms of Europeanization policies in Bosnia, thus further deepening the political deadlock in the country. Therefore, we can ask whether Bosnia represents a litmus test which the EU has failed.
PL
Fundusze unijne, wykorzystywane najczęściej pod postacią projektów, traktowane są przez wiele organizacji jako dodatkowe źródło kapitału. Ich pozyskanie, choć często niełatwe, może wiązać się z wieloma korzyściami, jak również niepożądanym oddziaływaniem. Artykuł skupia się więc na negatywnym wpływie projektów unijnych na funkcjonowanie przedsiębiorstw, czyli tematyce rzadko podejmowanej przez literaturę fachową w tym zakresie. Tekst opisuje najczęściej spotykane dysfunkcje projektów unijnych oraz stara się wykazać przyczyny leżące u podstaw ich występowania.
EN
EU funds are often used in the form of projects and are considered by many organizations as an additional source of capital. Their acquisition may involve a number of benefits, as well as undesirable impacts. The article focuses on the negative impact of the EU projects for the companies. This subject is rarely taken by the professional literature in this field. The text describes the most common dysfunctions of EU projects and indicate the reasons for their occurrence.
PL
W roku 2014 minęło 10 lat od przystąpienia Polski do Unii Europejskiej, co stanowi odpowiednią okazję do sporządzenia bilansu korzyści i strat polskiego członkostwa w UE. Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy przemian, jakie zaszły w tym czasie w polskiej administracji publicznej, która stanęła w obliczu nieznanego dotąd wyzwania – efektywnego gospodarowania europejskimi środkami finansowymi. W prezentowanym opracowaniu podjęto wysiłek odpowiedzi na pytania odnoszące się do działań, jakie zostały podjęte przez instytucje publiczne w celu sprawnego wdrażania funduszy strukturalnych oraz związanych z nimi konsekwencji. W pracy przedstawiono, w jaki sposób zmieniły się zasoby kadrowe i techniczne administracji oraz podjęto kwestie dotyczące jej efektywności. Opisano również aktualne trendy i kierunki zmian w administracji.
EN
In 2014 it is 10 years since Poland has joined the European Union, which is an appropriate opportunity to assess the advantages and disadvantages of Polish participation. This article focuses on the changes that have occurred during this time in Polish public administration, which has faced previously unknown challenges - effective management of European funds. The presented study is an attempt to answer questions about the actions that have been taken by public institutions for the effective implementation of the Structural funds and its consequences. The paper presents how the human and technical resources of the administration have changed and focuses on the issues concerning its efficiency. Additionally, the identified current trends and directions in the administration have been described in the thesis.
PL
Artykuł ma charakter przeglądowy, została w nim podjęta problematyka relacji między fundamentalnymi wartościami europejskimi — wolnością, równością i braterstwem — oraz nawiązującą do nich koncepcją społecznej gospodarki rynkowej (SGR). Autorzy próbują odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy sprawdzona z sukcesem w Niemczech polityka SGR mogłaby zapobiec dalszemu pogłębianiu się odśrodkowych i destabilizacyjnych tendencji w Unii Europejskiej. Przeprowadzając analizę, odwołano się do polskiej, niemieckiej i angloję¬zycznej literatury fachowej. Opracowanie składa się z czterech części. W pierwszej problem został przedstawiony w świetle dominujących w Europie w okresie po drugiej wojnie światowej idei politycznych i ekonomicznych. W drugiej części wartości europejskie zostały skonfrontowane z odsta¬jącą od nich rzeczywistością i możliwościami implementacji koncepcji SGR w celu zaradze¬nia temu niekorzystnemu stanowi rzeczy. W kolejnej części artykułu podjęto rozważania dotyczące realizacji koncepcji społecznej gospodarki rynkowej na konkretnym przykładzie europejskiego rynku funduszy emerytalnych. W zakończeniu autorzy podkreślają koniecz¬ność preferowania w polityce gospodarczej społecznych aspektów gospodarowania.
EN
This review is oriented on relationship between fundamental European values of freedom, equity and justice and the concept of Social Market Economy (the SME). The question is posed whether the SME-policies which succeeded in Germany could possibly prevent the European Union from progressing along the path of destabilization and diffusion. The article makes references to Polish, German and English literature of the subject. The piece of work consists of four parts. The first introductory section highlights the problem in the context of political and economic ideas which dominated in Europe after the second world war. The next section confronts the European values with real chances of the treatment in accordance with the SME principles. The third section considers the chances using an exemplification of the pan-European market of funded pensions. In conclusion it is stressed that the social aspects of economic activities are those which need to be upgraded in economic-policies design and process.
PL
Artykuł porusza kwestię wpływu kryzysu w strefie euro na członkostwo Polski w strefie euro. Pokazano program pracy, jaki Unia Europejska narzuciła poszczególnym krajom, a także pozycję Polski w tym obszarze.
EN
The article deals with the issue of the impact of the crisis in the euro area on Poland’s membership in the euro area. The program of work that the European Union has imposed on individual countries was shown, as well as the position of Poland in this area.
EN
The first World Humanitarian Summit (WHS) was held in Istanbul on 23-24 May 2016. WHS was convened by the Secretary General of the United Nations, and organized by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). The European Union is considered to be one of the key actors of humanitarian aid on a global scale. EU humanitarian action actually have a global dimension. In the sphere of humanitarian aid there is also a large coherence of the activities of the Union and its Member States. The summit was a showcase for the leading role of the EU in humanitarian aid. What was the position and expectations of the EU and its institutions to the summit? As the EU prepared for this event? What was the impact of the EU? In order to answer these questions, the author analyzes the preparations for the Summit of the EU institutions, the participation of representatives of the EU and assessments made in the EU. Expectations of the EU to the WHS were large and have not been realized, yet the Summit wasofficially recognized as successful.
PL
W dniach 23–24 maja 2016 r. odbył się w Stambule pierwszy Światowy Szczyt Humanitarny (WHS), zwołany przez sekretarza generalnego Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych,a organizowany przez Biuro do spraw Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej (OCHA). Unia Europejska uważa się za jednego z kluczowych podmiotów pomocy humanitarnej w skali globalnej. Działania humanitarne UE rzeczywiście mają wymiar globalny. W przypadku pomocy humanitarnej występuje też duża spójność działań Unii i jej państw członkowskich. W przypadku samego Szczytu UE uznawała się za jednego z najważniejszych uczestników. Szczyt był zatem okazją do zaprezentowania wiodącej roli UE w pomocy humanitarnej. Jakie było stanowiskoi oczekiwania UE i jej instytucji wobec Szczytu? Jak UE przygotowywała się do tego wydarzenia? Jaki był wpływ polityczny i merytoryczny UE? I jak UE oceniła sam szczyt i jego rezultaty? W celu odpowiedzi na te pytania autor przeprowadza analizę przygotowań instytucji UE do Szczytu, udziału przedstawicieli UE i ocen Szczytu dokonanych w UE. Oczekiwania UE wobecpierwszego Światowego Szczytu Humanitarnego były duże i nie zostały zrealizowane, a mimo to Szczyt został oficjalnie uznany za udany.
PL
W 2018 roku Unia Europejska (UE) przypomniała, że przyszłość Bałkanów Zachodnich znajduje się w UE. Perspektywa „europejskiej (unijnej) przyszłości” została zaprezentowana państwom bałkańskim już piętnaście lat wcześniej, w 2003 roku, kiedy to zostały one uznane za państwa potencjalnie kandydujące do członkostwa w UE. W 2016 roku Sarajewo zawnioskowało o akcesję do Unii Europejskiej. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest zatem analiza możliwości przystąpienia Bośni i Hercegowiny do UE. Niezbędne jest zidentyfikowanie - chociażby wybranych - szans i wyzwań, perspektyw i barier na drodze do dalszej integracji tego państwa z Brukselą. Tłem dla rozważań musi stać się poli­tyka Unii Europejskiej wobec regionu Bałkanów Zachodnich, która straciła na dynamice wraz z początkiem drugiej dekady XXI wieku, by w jej końcu próbować ją (z różnych względów) odzyskać. Czy na intensyfikacji polityki rozszerzenia UE może skorzystać Bośnia i Hercego­wina?
EN
In 2018 the European Union (EU) recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. The vision of an “European (Union) future” was announced to the Balkan countries fifteen years earlier, in 2003, when they were recognized as a potential candidates for membership in the EU. In 2016 Sarajevo decided to apply for membership in the European Union. Therefore, the main aim of this article is to analyse the possibility of joining the EU by Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is necessary to identify - even if chosen - opportunities and challenges, perspectives and barriers on the path to further integration of that country with Brussels. The background of these considerations must be the EU’s policy towards the Western Balkans region, which lost its dynamics with the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, and is trying to retrieve if for various reasons nowadays. Will Bosnia and Herzegovina benefit from the intensification of the EU’s enlargement policy?
EN
Recent years have been marked by a strengthening of the European Union's relationship with Japan. One result is the Economic Partnership Agreement being the subject of this article. This agreement is an important topic of today's international relations and it shapes their image. The aim of this article is to present the most important assumptions of the trade agreement, to examine it from different perspectives, such as the history of mutual contacts, the effects of the presented moves, as well as to assess its functioning, its chances for the future and its potential impact on other areas of bilateral relations. The objective of the publication was pursued through a content analysis of the documents.
PL
Ostatnie lata upłynęły pod znakiem umacniania relacji Unii Europejskiej z Japonią. Jednym z rezultatów jest Umowa o partnerstwie gospodarczym stanowiąca przedmiot artykułu. To porozumienie jest istotnym tematem dzisiejszych stosunków międzynarodowych i kształtuje ich obraz. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie najważniejszych założeń umowy handlowej, jej zbadanie z uwzględnieniem różnych perspektyw, jak historii wzajemnych kontaktów, skutkach prezentowanych posunięć, a także ocena funkcjonowania, jej szanse na przyszłość i potencjalny wpływ na inne obszary obustronnych relacji. Cel publikacji realizowany był poprzez analizę treści dokumentów.
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