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EN
The main purpose of this article is to present the views of Václav Havel (1936–2011) in the field of law and main principles of the democratic state. Havel was critical of the legal system in Czechoslovakia in the years 1948–1989. After the Velvet Revolution, the former dissident found himself in a new role. As president of the country had become the guardian of maintance of the supreme principles of the democratic state. He also aimed at ensuring that the law was comprehensible and clear for every citizen.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie poglądów Václava Havla (1936–2011) w zakresie prawa oraz naczelnych zasad demokratycznego państwa prawa. Havel był krytyczny wobec systemu prawnego obowiązującego w Czechosłowacji w latach 1948–1989. Po Aksamitnej Rewolucji były dysydent znalazł się w nowej roli. Jako prezydent kraju stał na straży zachowania naczelnych zasad demokratycznego państwa prawa. Dążył także do tego, aby prawo było zrozumiałe i przejrzyste dla każdego obywatela.
EN
The authoress presents partial results of an oral history time-lapse research project involving a hundred narrators from among former university students who participated in the students’ strike in November 1989, one of the principal triggers of the so-called Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia. In doing so, she mainly draws from her chapter in the forthcoming book being prepared by a team of authors led by Miroslav Vaněk and titled Sto studentských evolucí: Vysokoškolští studenti roku 1989. Životopisná vyprávění v časosběrné perspektivě [A hundred students’ evolutions: University students of 1989. Biographical narrations in a time-lapse perspective] (Prague, Academia 2019), which is a follow-on of a similar project, Sto studentských revolucí [A hundred students’ revolutions], implemented twenty years ago. The authoress first briefly introduces the project, recaps its findings so far, and focuses on how the narrators construe the effect of their revolutionary experience on their lives. In her opinion, interviews with the narrators suggest that the former student revolutionaries assigned key and positive importance of the Velvet Revolution for their personal and social evolution. However, they differ in how they reflect their revolutionary experience in their own civic attitudes, particularly in terms of their personal involvement in the public sphere. The authoress distinguishes three ideal type strategies in their attitudes to their own past, which she labels “revolution as a commitment”, “revolution as a duty fulfilled”, and “revolution as a prepared coincidence”. While the first two groups (also the most numerous ones) are characterized by the narrators’ continuing interest in public affairs, and they differ only in whether should be personally involved in public affairs (the first group) or leave the task to younger generations (the second group), the third group questions the very premise that activities of citizens can trigger desirable changes in the society. In addition, the authoress focuses on forms and transformations of public activities of the narrators since 1989, examining their potential inspirations. In her opinion, the key factor determining the narrators’ opinions and attitudes in this regard is their personal experience of the Velvet Revolution which is, as a rule, personified and symbolized by the person of the dissident and first post-Communist president Václav Havel (1936–2011). Using Havel’s texts of the early 1990s and his thoughts about the civic society and non-political politics, she analyses interviews with the former student revolutionaries, attempting to find why even the narrators belonging to the first (most committed) group generally gravitate toward the role of citizen activists and, save for a few exceptions, systematically avoid traditional party politics.
CS
Autorka prezentuje dílčí výsledky orálněhistorického časosběrného výzkumu se stovkou narátorů z řad někdejších vysokoškolských studentů a studentek, kteří se účastnili studentské stávky v listopadu 1989, jež byla jedním z hlavních impulzů takzvané sametové revoluce v Československu. Vychází přitom ze své kapitoly v připravované knize autorského kolektivu pod vedením Miroslava Vaňka Sto studentských evolucí: Vysokoškolští studenti roku 1989. Životopisná vyprávění v časosběrné perspektivě (Praha, Academia 2019), která navazuje na podobně koncipovaný projekt Sto studentských revolucí, realizovaný před dvaceti lety. Autorka nejprve stručně představuje celý projekt, rekapituluje dosavadní zjištění a zaměřuje se na způsoby, jakými narátoři konstruují vliv revoluční zkušenosti na své životy. Z provedených rozhovorů podle ní vyplývá teze o klíčovém a pozitivním významu, který bývalí studentští revolucionáři obecně přisuzují sametové revoluci v jejich osobním i společenském vývoji. Vzájemně se však odlišují v tom, jaké důsledky vyvozují ze své revoluční zkušenosti pro vlastní občanské postoje, zejména ve smyslu osobní angažovanosti ve veřejné sféře. Autorka rozlišila tři ideálnětypické strategie v jejich vztahování k vlastní minulosti. které nazývá „revoluce jako závazek“, „revoluce jako splněná povinnost“ a „revoluce jako připravená náhoda“. Zatímco pro první dvě (zároveň nejpočetnější) skupiny narátorů je charakteristický trvalý zájem o veřejné dění a rozcházejí se až v názoru, zda se mají sami veřejně angažovat (první skupina), anebo tento úkol připadá mladší generaci (druhá skupina), třetí skupina zpochybňuje samotnou premisu, že občanská aktivita může být hybatelem kýžených změn ve společnosti. Autorka se dále zaměřuje na podoby a proměny veřejné činnosti narátorů po roce 1989 a zkoumá jejich možné inspirace. Určující faktor pro jejich smýšlení a postoje v této sféře spatřuje právě v osobním zážitku sametové revoluce, která je většinou personifikována a symbolizována postavou disidenta a prvního postkomunistického prezidenta Václava Havla (1936–2011). Na základě Havlových textů z raných devadesátých let a jeho myšlenek o občanské společnosti a nepolitické politice poté analyzuje rozhovory s někdejšími studentskými revolucionáři a hledá odpovědi na otázku, proč i narátoři z první (nejangažovanější) skupiny dlouhodobě tíhnou k roli občanských aktivistů a tradiční stranické politice se až na výjimky systematicky vyhýbají.
EN
This article looks at uses of the word “samizdat” in the mid-1970s, focusing on České rozhovory (Czech Conversations), a book of interviews that journalist Jiří Lederer conducted with other banned writers (such as Ludvík Vaculík, Václav Havel, Jiří Gruša, Aleksandr Kliment and others) in 1975 and 1976. The author carries out a “thick description” (in the tradition of Clifford Geertz) of the word “samizdat”, uncovering a range of connotations tied to the inadequacy of unofficial culture. Rather than constituting a fully functioning alternative culture, samizdat was often seen as inadequate and artificial (like “palm trees above the arctic circle,” in the words of writer Jaroslav Putík); it was a mere substitute for genuine cultural production, operating in a minimal communications network and preserving a finite, even tiny number of material copies for future generations. The article thus proposes an alternative to a common scholarly reading of Czech unofficial cultural activity in the 1970s, in which samizdat is seen as part of a systematic, well-organized effort to create an alternative culture and thereby to undermine the Communist regime. In fact, as the author suggests through a brief reading of Havel’s “Six Asides About Culture” (1984), “samizdat” acquired these connotations only later – to some extent this happened in the framework of Charter 77 and the whole theory of a “parallel polis,” although the process of “re-reading” samizdat as a widespread and effective communications network continues after 1989 and through to the present day.
EN
The goal of the text is to summarise and analyse commemorative strategies and trends that were used in case of the Czechoslovak and Czech president Václav Havel (1936–2011; 1989–2003, in office) and that were especially expressed through proper names, mostly street names. The research is primarily based on selected archival sources and opinion journalism of the day. The research issue is presented against the broad background of place names commemorating Czechoslovak and Czech presidents over the course of the 20th century.
EN
The Helsinki process underwent significant transformations after the fall of the Iron Curtain. The early 1990s were marked by the institutionalisation of the CSCE and the enlargement of the participating states. The destabilisation of several regions and the outbreak of armed conflicts have led to a multiplication of the agenda and activities within the CSCE structures. In 2022 it was exactly 30 years since the CSCE chairmanship country was the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic. In our article, we provide an overview of how the Czechoslovak chairmanship took place in this specific context, what priorities it addressed and what significant events marked it.
EN
The article focuses on the reception of Havel’s personality and his works in Po­lish academic circles. For the Polish intelligentsia Václav Havel, the president of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic, undoubtedly appears as an outstanding intellectual, playwright and essayist who promoted moral attitudes and was, thanks to his works, an undisputed authority both intellectual and moral. He was not only a symbol of political changes in Czechoslovakia and Central Europe, but pri­marily a thinker, enjoying a similar interest of the Polish intellectual circles to that once enjoyed by T.G. Masaryk, who gave Polish intelligentsia his highly valuable thoughts about Europe and Russia.
EN
The article is concerned with an analysis of Václav Havel’s essay The Power of the Powerless from the perspective of narratology and of the Barthean mythology. The persuasive power of the essay derives not only from Havel’s diagnosis of the collective mendacity in the “normalized” Czechoslovakia but above all from the author’s deft use of various literary devices. From this vantage point The Power of the Powerless cannot be considered an accurate mirror of Czecho-slovak society but, instead, a closely knit symbolic field which projects a specific semantic perspective. This paper focuses on the narrative techniques employed by Havel to create such a perspective.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest refleksja nad ideami Václava Havla i ocena realności ich realizacji. Poglądy dramaturga dotyczące polityki wzbudzają spore kontrowersje. Uznaje się je często za przejaw utopii oraz marzycielstwa. Czeski pisarz po upadku reżimu komunistycznego w 1989 roku znalazł się w nowej dla siebie roli – stał się politykiem. Miał zatem możliwość wprowadzenia w życie niektórych swoich koncepcji. W niniejszym artykule dokonano nie tylko analizy twórczości Havla, ale przedstawiono także jego działalność polityczną, aby odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy do końca pozostał on wierny swoim ideałom.
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Václav Havel a jeho zápletky

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EN
This paper deals with the genre of biography as a specific mode of organisation of commemoration citing the example of biographies of Václav Havel. The author analyses four biographies of Václav Havel from the perspective of the construction of their plots.
EN
Guzek Mariusz, Niechciana obecność autora – filmowy przypadek Václava Havla [The Unwanted Presence of the Author – Václav Havel in Film]. „Przestrzenie Teorii” 32. Poznań 2019, Adam Mickiewicz University Press, pp. 115–128. ISSN 1644-6763. DOI 10.14746/pt.2019.32.5. Václav Havel had his views on film, participated in the life of the new wave artist community, had walk-on parts, wrote screenplays, and at the end of his life, made one picture based on his own stage drama Leaving. For Havel, film was a part of a larger cultural challenge, appointed by the Central European character of the second half of the 20th century. In his plays and essays, he discussed the topics of enslavement, lies and resistance to these, constructing a kind of antinomical model of self-power. Repeatedly, the starting point of his work was the Czech reflections included in the theoretical texts of Jan Ivo Osolsobě or the aesthetic manifestos of Karel Teige. As a film director, he created a show of allusions, absurdity and exaggerations, by entering the entire catalogue of experiences, thoughts and techniques of being a “citizen of culture” into diagetic meaning.
EN
The work presents the profile of Václav Havel (1936-2011), a famous Czech writer and playwright, dissident, anti-communist activist, one of the co-authors of Charter 77, the ninth and last president of Czechoslovakia (1989-1992), and the first president of the Czech Republic (1993-2003). This article aims to present the economic views, not of an economist, but of an eminent Czech statesman and a leading representative of Central and Eastern Europe popularized during his tenure as the president of Czechoslovakia.
EN
The work presents the profile of Václav Havel (1936-2011), a famous Czech writer and playwright, dissident, anti-communist activist, one of the co-authors of Charter 77, the ninth and last president of Czechoslovakia (1989-1992), and the first president of the Czech Republic (1993-2003). This article aims to present the economic views, not of an economist, but of an eminent Czech statesman and a leading representative of Central and Eastern Europe popularized during his tenure as President of the Czech Republic.
PL
Autor tohoto příspěvku přivolává recepce Jana Ámose Komenského a také, jak jeho didakticko-vzdělávací a filozoficko-pansofické myšlenky ze sedmnáctého století byly využity hlavami státu českého národa, tedy Tomášem Garriguem Masarykem a Václavem Havlem (např. v projevech – včetně novoročních – dále na konferencích a také v deklarativních prohlášeních, proklamujících vznik státu). Soustředěno se na proslulé sentenci Komenského, pocházející z jehozávěti umírající matky Jednoty bratrské, a konkrétně na slovech: vláda věcí Tvých k Tobě zase se navrátí, ó lide český! V další části článku autor přivolává smysl těchto slov v jiných okolnostech, tedy ve vlastenecké písni Modlitba pro Martu, která byla zpívána během událostí Pražského jara, okupace vojsk Varšavské smlouvy a během sametové revoluce v 1989 roku. Provedeno také rozbor těchto slov nacházejících se (ve zkrácené verzi) na soše Jana Husa na Staroměstskémnáměstí v Praze, kde můžemé také odhalit proslulé úryvky moudrých slov Komenského, týkající se lepší představy českého národa v budoucnosti. StreszczenieAutor przywołuje recepcje Jana Amosa Komeńskiego oraz przedstawia, jak jego siedemnastowieczne myśli – zarówno dydaktyczno-oświatowe, jak i filozoficzno-pansoficzne – zostały współcześnie wykorzystane (np. w przemówieniach czy orędziach, na konferencjach czy nawet w deklaracjach proklamujących państwo) przez wybitnych mężów stanu narodu czeskiego, jakimi byli T.G. Masaryk i Václav Havel. Skoncentrowano się na odtworzeniu słynnej sentencji Komeńskiego, pochodzącej z jego Testamentu umierającej matki Jedności Braterskiej, która brzmiała: Władza rzeczy Twoich, wróci ponownie do Ciebie – ludu czeski! W dalszej części autor przywołuje sens tych słów w innych okolicznościach, tj. w patriotycznej pieśni pt. Modlitwa dla Marty, śpiewanej podczas wydarzeń Praskiej Wiosny z 1968 i podczas aksamitnej rewolucji z 1989 roku. Przeprowadzono również analizę tych słów, znajdujących się (w skróconej wersji)na pomniku Jana Husa na Rynku Starego Miasta w Pradze, gdzie również odnajdujemy słynne fragmenty słów Komeńskiego, dotyczące lepszej wizji narodu czeskiego w przyszłości. SummaryThe Author refers to receptions of Jan Amos Komenský and to how his seventeenth century thoughts – both, teaching-educational and philosophically-pansophical – have been used (e.g. in speeches or addresses, at conferences, or even in declarations proclaiming a Nation) by eminent statesmen of the Czech nation, such as T.G. Masaryk i Václav Havel. The focus falls on reconstructing the famous Komenský's sentence coming from his work The Last Will and Testament of the Dying Mother, The Unity of Brethren, the line the government of your affairs will again return to you, O, Czech people! Subsequently, the author refers to the said words realized in other circumstances, i.e. in the patriotic song entitled A Prayer for Marta sang during the Prague Spring of 1968 and during the Velvet Revolution of 1989. An analysis of the words (in an abridged version) situated on the monument of Jan Hus in the Old Town Square in Prague has been conducted, where we also find the famous fragments of Komenský' words, concerning a better vision for the Czech nation in the future.
EN
This article discusses the relationship between Jan Patočka's and Václav Havel's political writings. By specifically focusing on Patočka's concepts a "life in the idea" and a "life in problematicity" and Havel's notion of a "life in truth", it seeks to draw out the differences and similarities between their respective understandings of the relationship between truth and politics. The paper argues that Havel reinterpreted Patočka's ideas in a way, which in the final analysis diverged from Patočka's original intentions. Finally, the article argues that Havel's, in many ways productive, reinterpretation gives rise to a highly problematic conception of ideology and politics since the "prepolitical" form of politics that Havel envisions ultimately tends to naturalize both truth and politics.
EN
According to Václav Havel’s famous essay The Power of powerless life within a lie is at the core of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Life within a lie is characteristic for the great majority of people and is contrasted with life within the truth which is characteristic of dissent movement. In this paper, I will try to shed some light on the concept of “living within a lie.” I will show that Havel develops not one but two concepts of a lie: on the one hand, lie is deliberate pretence; on the other hand, lie is seduction by consumerist values. The first meaning of a lie is derived from Havel’s analysis of the specifics of the Soviet sphere of influence, namely central role of ideology with omnipresent demands on public support of the regime. The second meaning of a lie is heavily influenced by a critical assessment of modern society from the leading figure of the Czech underground movement Ivan Jirous and leading Czech philosopher Jan Patočka. This double meaning of a lie enables Havel to capture both specific problems of living under the communist regime and general problems of living in modern society anywhere in the world. In the final chapters of this paper, I will show that Havel is not clear about how these two meanings of a lie are connected and that there are problems resulting from these unclarities both for Havel’s analysis of the communism and his proposed solution of the crisis.
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From his pre-1989 essays to his post-1989 presidential speeches, V. Havel develops an account of ideology that avoids a standard dictionary definition (ideology as a system of political or economic beliefs) and relies almost exclusively on elaboration via metaphor, narrative, and performance. The import of Havel’s treatment of ideology has not been appreciated. Metaphors, stories, and performances are special forms of appeal that prompt us to rethink the meaning of a given domain. This paper explores how Havel exploits the creative potential of these forms of appeal in order to radically reconceptualize our understanding of ideology as a force in the modern world.
CS
Od esejů z období komunistického režimu až po prezidentské proslovy po roce 1989 rozvíjí Václav Havel určitou koncepci ideologie, která obchází standardní slovníkovou definici ideologie jakožto systém politických či ekonomických názorů a je skoro výlučně rozvíjena pomocí metafor, narativů a performance. Význam Havlova chápání ideologie doposud nebyl zhodnocen. Metafory, příběhy a představení jsou apelem sui generis, který nás nutí nově promyslet smysl určité domény. Článek zkoumá, jak Havel využívá tvůrčí potenciál těchto apelativních forem s cílem radikálně nově pochopit ideologii jakožto sílu moderním světě.
EN
The events taking place during the Autumn of Nations 1989 transformed Central Europe so significantly that — though in the majority of Eastern Bloc countries it happened without bloodshed — the change may be called revolutionary. Later fate and life choices of the leaders and participants of the 1989 revolution in Poland and Czechoslovakia have been as different as their ways to democracy. Difference is a source of mutual fascination, which in Poland has centered mostly around the person of Václav Havel. Why did the citizens of Czechoslovakia — who at the end of 1989 had organized mass demonstrations and a general strike throughout the whole country, and who had been ready to take a great risk to express their disapproval of the government’s policy — having achieved instant victory, peacefully return home and leave the political scene to officials and technocrats? Why did the ethos and discourse of the Velvet Revolution remain alive only in a narrow circle of intellectuals — former dissidents? Why did the new elite reduce its significance to the role of an effective gadget for the purpose of the Western media? The article presents the fate of the “children of the Velvet Revolution” as seen from the Polish perspective.
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EN
This study sketches a semantic analysis of three Czech words – domov (home), svědomí (conscience), and klid (rest, quiet, calm) – in comparison with their English translation equivalents. It is argued that they are key words in Havel’s thought in that they represent recurring concepts in his writing that cut across both time periods (the pre- and post-1989 Havel) as well as genres. The import of these concepts also cuts across socio-historical -isms: these words not only tell us something about human identity within a totalitarian context, but ought to tell us, who live outside of that context, something about ourselves. While each of these words refers to a more or less distinct realm of human experience, their collective resonance in Czech evokes a similar feel: all have an air of the philosophical or transcendent about them. It is this element of their conventional meanings in Czech that provides fertile ground – a ground that does not exist in quite the same way in English – for Havel’s cultivation of them into key components in his understanding of human identity in the modern world.
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