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1

History of Confiscated Property of the České učení technické (Czech Technical University) in the years 1939–1945

100%
Josefovicova M.
DVT - Dějiny věd a techniky (History of Sciences and Technology)
|
2007
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vol. 40
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issue 4
209-227
EN
The history of the immovable and movable property of the Czech Technical University after closing of all Czech universities in November 1939 has been studied primarily from the preserved testimonies of Czech witnesses about its state in May 1945. In the article, the history has been reconstructed on basis of official German documents. The initial assumption that the 'Deutsche Technische Hochschule in Prag' (German Technical University in Prague) acquired the main parts of the property for its own use turned out to be incorrect. Most of the movable property not destroyed by army forces during the first week of occupation decayed unused in unsuitable storehouses. Buildings were used by other institutions of the occupation forces and the Protectorate. In 1942, when the original three-year deadline after which the Czech universities were to be reopened expired, K. H. Frank decided on a thorough stocktaking of the property. It was to serve as the basis for the property to be taken over for use by the German Technical University. Nevertheless, the catastrophic condition of the stored instruments, devices, books, and so on showed up during the inventory. Academic buildings and premises used for various other purposes were also in poor condition (see the attached document). As a result, the situation differed significantly from the fate of the property of the Czech University in Prague, which the 'Deutsche Universitaet in Prag' (German University in Prague) acquired.
2

„NAŠI ÚBOHÍ ŽIDOVSKÍ BRATIA“. ŠVÉDSKE SNAHY O ZÁCHRANU ŽIDOV NA SLOVENSKU POČAS II. SVETOVEJ VOJNY

88%
Nešťáková D., Nižňanský E.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 1
122 – 143
EN
The article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews in Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish Archbishop Erling Eidem, and the Slovak Consul Bohumil Pissko in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials including the President of Slovak republic Jozef Tiso revoked further negotiations in autumn 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope of actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed to failure due to the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant to describe the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community would have likely prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred due to the Slovak interest in deporting its own Jewish citizens and later due to the German occupation of Slovakia.
3

Cinematic Memory and The Americanization of The Holocaust

88%
Nelson B. A.
Romanian Journal of English Studies
|
2012
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vol. 9
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issue 1
138-146
EN
Steven Soderbergh’s The Good German (2006), while grounding itself in WWII, casts a wide net as it attempts to examine the role of memory, the difficulty of assigning guilt, determining justice, defining the past, and writing history. Its nuanced treatment of these issues is enhanced by its complex ethnic characterizations and its contextualization among a group of WWII American cinematic classics. This ultimately leads to a shift in viewer reception aimed at creating greater understanding and empathy.
4
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[Esej] II wojna światowa w pamięci Polaków

88%
Suleja W.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
|
2002
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issue 2
51-58
5
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Intergenerational Transgressions in Re-living War and the Uncertainty of Displacement: A Privilege or a Curse for the Third Generation

75%
Odrowąż-Coates A.
Kultura i Edukacja
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2019
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issue 2(124)
55-70
EN
Transgression is often seen as a negative term; to cross social or ethical boundaries. In this paper, it is defined as ‘blurring of the symbolic boundaries between grandparents and younger generations in terms of the WWII experience’, which leads to living memory of the war, but also to experiencing and re-living the trauma of war and dislocation. It occurs through the immersion of younger generations in family history narratives, memorabilia, diaries and photographs that become a family treasure, owned jointly by the family members. In this paper, intergenerational transgression is analysed as a softand symbolic phenomenon, which on one hand preserves the memory of past, but on the other, cascades the negative experiences onto children and grandchildren. If this is true for WWII survivors, then it should be considered in other cases of long-term conflict and dislocation, particularly in recent conflicts such as Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Understanding the connection between intergenerational transgression of war trauma may aid the process of healing.
6

PREHĽAD ŠIFIER POUŽÍVANÝCH NA SLOVENSKU POČAS DRUHEJ SVETOVEJ VOJNY: 2. ČASŤ – DIPLOMATICKÉ ŠIFRY

75%
Antal E., Grošek O., Zajac P.
Vojenská história
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2020
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vol. 24
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issue 3
95 - 108
EN
Activity of the Orava Military Group during the Slovak National Uprising in September 1944 and the transfer of its remains in early October 1944 is one of the interesting chapters of the resistance against Germans. Transfer to the rebel territory was associated with the German occupation of the municipality of Párnica on the 1st October 1944, when the group commander, General Staff Major Dušan Jamriška concluded that the time had come to leave Lučivná u Párnice. The transfer to the rebel territory was taking place in several groups, lasting for about three days. Upon arriving at the rebel territory, both the officers and soldiers of the Orava Military Group engaged in the combat activity within the rebel army.
7

THE RADIO SPEECHES OF CZECH EXILE POLITICIANS IN THE PERIOD OF 1939−1945 IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF THEMATIZATION OF PROPER NAMES

75%
Davidová Glogarová J., David J.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2020
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vol. 68
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issue 5
841 – 859
EN
The paper focuses on proper names (personal and place names, chrematonyms), and their thematization in Czech ideological speeches. The paper examines texts written by Czech exile politicians and presented in the London and Moscow radio broadcasts between 1939 and 1945, in the course of the Second World War. The texts reflect a wide scale of Czech politicians ranging from the Democrats (National Socialists Edvard Beneš, Prokop Drtina, Jaroslav Stránský; Christian Democrat Jan Šrámek) to the Communists (Klement Gottwald, Zdeněk Nejedlý) and their sympathizers (Social Democrat Zdeněk Fierlinger); speeches written by non-partisan Jan Masaryk are also included. Thematization is presented as an important language device to express, or support, the text tendency. The process of thematization is realized in two structures. In the deep text structure, it is realized as a semantic change (proper name re-semantization), in the surface (visible) structure, it is expressed by collocations, onomastic allusions, metaphors, or metonymies.
8
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„Tutaj jest bardzo zimno…”. Życie codzienne niemieckiej urzędniczki w Poznaniu opisane na widokówkach z lat 1941-1944

71%
Mazurczak D.
Biblioteka
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2009
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issue 13(22)
19-54
EN
One of the largest postcard collection in Poland, housed in Poznań University Library iconographic collection, includes a set of nearly a hundred postcards written by just one person, Wera V., a German clerk working for the German administration of the occupied region in Poznań, in the Agricultural Workers’ Association (Landesbauernschaft Wartheland), and sent to the same recipient – her mother in Hamburg in the years 1941-1944. Initially, the new town , Poznań, turned out for the woman to be fairly attractive and a peaceful working place as compared to frequently bombed Hamburg, with such advantages as a tax-free salary, or certain commodities that were rationed in the Reich here obtainable for the German state service office workers without coupons, and just three air raids. However, in the course of the war, the living and working conditions for the Germans began to deteriorate considerably. Wera’s choice of law with which to comply, most likely the fear of the Nazi censorship regulations and, plainly, her self-censorship, made her not reveal her true feelings towards the National Socialism. However, her attitude towards the Poles can hardly be called hostile. Wera V. spent her free time mostly on writing letters, searching for commodities hard to obtain back in the Reich, and sending home parcels with trophies, dirty linen and clothes to be redone. She hardly ever went to the cinema, a cafe, the theatre or the opera – the reason being, more often than not, the cold she found hard to endure. She wrote much about weather, much less about her work. It was only from August 1944, when chaos started to prevail, that she started to write about the changes going on in her office and about shutting down of non-Poznań-based departments. The picture postcards written by Wera V. complemented the letters written to her mother. A closer inspection to Wera’s epistolary output could make it possible to reconstruct her everyday life in Poznań more fully.
PL
W jednej z największych w Polsce kolekcji pocztówek, znajdującej się w ikonograficznych zbiorach Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej w Poznaniu, znalazło się prawie sto kartek od jednego nadawcy, Wery V. – niemieckiej urzędniczki Stowarzyszenia Rolników Kraju Warty (Landesbauernschaft Wartheland), do tego samego odbiorcy – jej matki zamieszkałej w Hamburgu, wysyłanych z Poznania w latach 1941-1944. Początkowo Poznań był dość atrakcyjnym i spokojnym miejscem pracy w porównaniu z często bombardowanym Hamburgiem – pensja bez podatku, niektóre artykuły reglamentowane w Rzeszy tu bez kartek dla urzędników niemieckich, trzy naloty alianckie. W miarę upływu wojny pogarszały się warunki życia i pracy Wery. Prawdopodobnie obawa przed cenzurą i autocenzurą sprawiły, że nie ujawniła swego stosunku do narodowego socjalizmu. Jej postawę wobec Polaków trudno uznać za wrogą. Czas wolny przeznaczała przede wszystkim na korespondencję, poszukiwanie artykułów trudnych do zdobycia w głębi Rzeszy, wysyłanie paczek ze zdobyczami lub praniem czy ubraniami do przerobienia. Rzadko bywała w kinie, kawiarni, teatrze i operze – jeśli tak, to często z powodu zimna. Dużo pisała o pogodzie, niewiele o swej pracy. Dopiero od sierpnia 1944 roku, kiedy zapanował chaos, informowała o zmianach w jej biurze i o zamykaniu oddziałów zamiejscowych.Pisane przez nią widokówki były uzupełnieniem listów do matki. Lektura całej ko-respondencji pozwoliłaby na pełniejsze odtworzenie życia codziennego Wery V.w Poznaniu.
9
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„Talent to dobro powierzone...” – etyka chrześcijańska w postawie twórczej i życiowej Witolda Lutosławskiego

71%
Bolesławska-Lewandowska B., Karcz B., Tyrała R., Zając A., Delimat W., Janicki J. J., Malik J., Sterczewska L., UPJPII i., Pasek W., Karcz B., Malik J., Sterczewska L., UPJPII i., Pasek W.
Pro Musica Sacra
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2013
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vol. 11
EN
„Talent is a form of wealth entrusted to us” – these words may serve as Witold Lutosławski’s motto. He repeated them often and at many occasions, emphasising that each creative artist is obliged to treat his talent carefully and develop it to produce great results for public consumption. This corresponds well with Biblical parable on talents but does it mean that Lutosławski was a religious man? Was Christian ethic important to him? In his music there is no much connection with religion – only his youthful Lacrimosa for soprano, choir and orchestra, and the arrangements of traditional Polish Christmas carols, composed shortly after the Second World War, present his direct relations to religious inspirations. However, he did not like to talk about his beliefs and worldview, especially in the context of his own music, which for him always was abstract and free from any extra-musical features. But his attitude to composing, as well as to the public activity, reveals many connections with Christianity values. He was brought up in the family of strongly catholic and patriotic beliefs, connected with high moral principles. An atmosphere of Lutosławskis’ family, which belonged to the intellectual elites of pre-war Poland, made strong influence on young Witold. For the rest of his life he felt obliged to pay his duties both as a composer and as a man of a high moral standards. He not only concentrated on his creative work (though it was his main life obligation) but searched for public weal in his social activity, always aiming „to behave decently”. This corresponds perfectly with Christian ethic and indeed in one of his interviews Lutosławski openly admitted that not only his worldview was formed by Catholicism, towards which he remained faithful, but also that in his opinion Christian ethic remains pre-eminent among all ethic systems formed by the humanity.
PL
„Talent is a form of wealth entrusted to us” – these words may serve as Witold Lutosławski’s motto. He repeated them often and at many occasions, emphasising that each creative artist is obliged to treat his talent carefully and develop it to produce great results for public consumption. This corresponds well with Biblical parable on talents but does it mean that Lutosławski was a religious man? Was Christian ethic important to him? In his music there is no much connection with religion – only his youthful Lacrimosa for soprano, choir and orchestra, and the arrangements of traditional Polish Christmas carols, composed shortly after the Second World War, present his direct relations to religious inspirations. However, he did not like to talk about his beliefs and worldview, especially in the context of his own music, which for him always was abstract and free from any extra-musical features. But his attitude to composing, as well as to the public activity, reveals many connections with Christianity values. He was brought up in the family of strongly catholic and patriotic beliefs, connected with high moral principles. An atmosphere of Lutosławskis’ family, which belonged to the intellectual elites of pre-war Poland, made strong influence on young Witold. For the rest of his life he felt obliged to pay his duties both as a composer and as a man of a high moral standards. He not only concentrated on his creative work (though it was his main life obligation) but searched for public weal in his social activity, always aiming „to behave decently”. This corresponds perfectly with Christian ethic and indeed in one of his interviews Lutosławski openly admitted that not only his worldview was formed by Catholicism, towards which he remained faithful, but also that in his opinion Christian ethic remains pre-eminent among all ethic systems formed by the humanity.
10
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Počátky československé a jugoslávské exilové vlády v Londýně za druhé světové války : očekávání, možnosti a realita

63%
Sovilj M.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2019
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vol. 26
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issue 4
472-493
EN
In his partly comparative study, the author focuses on a specific chapter in Czechoslovak- Yugoslav relations in the 20th century, namely contacts of the exile governments of both countries after their occupation by the German army in March 1939 (remnants of Czechoslovakia) and April 1941 (Yugoslavia). Supported by document from Prague’s and Belgrade’s archives, he recalls circumstances of the German occupation of Yugoslavia and compares the formation of the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav political representations in exile, the different ways they took to London, the problems they encountered during early years in exile, and their positions in London’s exile community. The study shows how the restoration of mutual relations between the two representations was burdened by historical animosities, although Belgrade and Prague had been allies since 1919, both being members of the Little Entente; President Edvard Beneš (1884 – 1948), in particular, was long reproaching Yugoslav politicians for abandoning Czechoslovakia at the time of the Munich crisis in the autumn of 1938. However, some Yugoslav representatives, on the other hand, disliked the fact that the Czechoslovak government had not supported them in the conflict with Italy in 1926 and during the establishment of the king’s dictatorship three years later. Mutual relations of leading Czechoslovak and Yugoslav politicians in exile were also reflecting their respective opinions on further war developments and on relations of restored Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia to allied powers. Both exile governments were striving for help and support of Great Britain; however, they assumed, for a variety of reasons, different attitudes to cooperation with the Soviet Union. Although the relations were gradually improving, especially since 1943, when the Yugoslav government declared that it did not acknowledge the Munich Agreement, their courses drifted apart while both were still in exile, and only Czechoslovak exile representatives returned home as winners, while their Yugoslav counterparts in London had to “beat a retreat”, yielding to Tito’s Communists, and most of them stayed in exile.
CS
Autor se v této částečně komparativní studii věnuje specifické kapitole vztahů mezi Československem a Jugoslávií ve dvacátém století, kterou tvořily kontakty exilových vlád obou zemí, poté co byly okupovány německou armádou v březnu 1939 (zbytkové Česko-slovensko) a v dubnu 1941 (Jugoslávie). S oporou v materiálech z pražských a bělehradských archivů připomíná okolnosti německé okupace Jugoslávie a porovnává formování československé a jugoslávské politické reprezentace v exilu, jejich rozdílnou cestu do Londýna, problémy, s nimiž se v prvních letech potýkaly, a jejich postavení v britském exilu. Studie přitom ukazuje, jak obnovení vzájemných vztahů mezi oběma reprezentacemi zatěžovaly historické animozity, přestože od roku 1919 Bělehrad s Prahou poutaly spojenecké svazky v rámci Malé dohody: zejména prezident Edvard Beneš (1884–1948) dlouho vyčítal jugoslávským politikům, že opustili Československo v době mnichovské krize na podzim 1938, ale i někteří jugoslávští představitelé nelibě nesli, že je československá vláda nepodpořila ve střetu s Itálií v roce 1926 a při nastolení královské diktatury o tři roky později. Ve vzájemných kontaktech československých a jugoslávských vedoucích politiků v exilu se promítaly také jejich názory na další vývoj války a na vztahy obnoveného Československa a Jugoslávie ke spojeneckým velmocím. O podporu a pomoc Velké Británie usilovaly obě exilové vlády, rozdílný postoj ale z vícero důvodů zaujaly ke spolupráci se Sovětským svazem. Přestože se jejich vzájemné vztahy zlepšily zejména poté, co jugoslávská vláda počátkem roku 1943 vyhlásila, že neuznává Mnichovskou dohodu, jejich cesty se ještě v exilu rozešly a do vlasti se po válce jako vítězové vrátili jen českoslovenští exiloví představitelé, zatímco jejich jugoslávští partneři z Londýna museli „vyklidit pole“ Titovým komunistům a většinou zůstali v exilu.
11
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Niemieckie życie teatralne w Toruniu podczas II wojny światowej

63%
Grochowina S.
Rocznik Toruński
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2014
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issue 41
93-120
EN
The aim of the article is to outline general rules determining the organisa-tion and functioning of German theatrical life in Toruń during WWII in the context of the nationalistic policy carried out by the Nazi authorities in the Gdańsk-Western Prussia Reich District. Apart from discussing organisational issues, the author analyses the repertoire of Toruń’s theatres. It reflects the policy of the Third Reich conditioned by political-ideological factors. The picture of German theatrical life in Toruń during WWII presented he-re allows us to discover general rules determining the organisation and func-tioning of theatres in the Third Reich. Theatres not only provided entertain-ment, but also satisfied the cultural needs of the German population creating the illusory sensation of stability and normality. Nevertheless, from the point of view of the German authorities, theatres were a means of political and ideo-logical indoctrination. The choice of appropriate repertoire and staging helped theatres to play an advocatory role for the idea of the national socialism.
DE
Ziel des vorliegenden Artikels ist es nachzuzeichnen, unter welchen allge-meinen Bedingungen das deutsche Theaterleben im besetzten Thorn organi-siert war und funktionierte. Dies geschieht im Kontext der Nationalitätenpoli-tik der Besatzungsmacht im Reichsgau Danzig-Westpreußen. Außer der Erör-terung organisatorischer Fragen wird das auf den Bühnen in Thorn gespielte Repertoire analysiert. Es spiegelt die Repertoire-Politik der Staatsmacht des Dritten Reiches wieder, die von Maximen politisch-ideologischer Natur be-stimmt war. Das im vorliegenden Artikel gegebene Bild des deutschen Theaterlebens in Thorn während des 2. Weltkriegs erlaubt es gewisse allgemeine Gesetzmäßig-keiten aufzuzeigen, die die Organisation und die Arbeit der Theater im Dritten Reich bestimmten. Theater boten nicht nur Unterhaltung, befriedigten die kulturellen Bedürfnisse der deutschen Bevölkerung und schufen ein Gefühl von Stabilisierung und Normalität, sondern sie waren vor allem ein Instrument der politischen und ideologischen Indoktrination im Interesse der deutschen Staatsmacht. Durch ein entsprechend ausgewähltes Repertoire und passende Inszenierungen erfüllten die Theater die Rolle von Sachwaltern der Idee des Nationalsozialismus.
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Po stopách "krvavých průvodců" Jiřího Padevěta : Padevět, Jiří: Krvavé finále: Jaro 1945 v českých zemích; Padevět, Jiří: Krvavé léto 1945: Poválečné násilí v českých zemích

63%
Dvořák T.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2020
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vol. 27
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issue 1
116-126
EN
Both publications (The Bloody Finals: The spring of 1945 in the Czech Lands and The Bloody Summer of 1945: Post-war violence in the Czech Lands) are extensive historical textual-and-pictorial guidebooks mapping the geography of violence in the Czech Lands in the end of the Second World War and shortly thereafter, and as such fit well into the broader portfolio of works of this type written by Jiří Padevět. In the reviewer’s opinion, the books are primarily intended as documentary, popularization and educational publications and therefore lack many attributes of a regular historical work, but their reflections in the media and society, which make their author a respected authority in the interpretation of modern Czech history, justify and perhaps even necessitate subjecting the books to a critical review. While fully respecting the author’s intentions and motives, which aim at a remedial selfreflection of the nation’s past and which he has obviously succeeded to achieve, there is one outstanding problem, namely that the books do not contain any definition of the genre selected by the author and its principles; the same applies to the theoretico-methodological basis. In addition, they neither contain an adequate reflection of previous research results nor provide an adequate publishing service and give up any attempt at an interpretation. In the reviewer’s opinion, the guidebooks lack relevant instructions for use and a key allowing the reader to evaluate the accumulated empirical information they contain. The reviewer further focuses on whether and how the two books advance historical knowledge, the questions they open, what they bring from the viewpoint of historical culture, and on their editorial and publishing quality.
CS
Obě publikace mají charakter rozsáhlých historických textově-obrazových průvodců, mapujících geografii násilí v českých zemích v závěru druhé světové války a po jejím skončení, a řadí se do širší produkce tohoto typu z pera Jiřího Padevěta. Podle recenzenta tyto svazky mají sice primárně dokumentační, popularizační a osvětové cíle a postrádají řadu atributů odborné historické práce, avšak jejich mediální a společenský ohlas, který autorovi a jeho dílu propůjčuje velkou autoritu při výkladu moderních českých dějin, zakládá oprávnění a snad i nutnost podrobit je kritické reflexi. Při plném respektu k autorovým záměrům a motivům, které míří k ozdravné sebereflexi národní minulosti a které se mu zřejmě daří naplňovat, však zůstává problémem, že v uvedených pracích není nijak definován zvolený žánr a jeho zásady, stejně jako nejsou naznačena teoreticko-metodologická východiska. Vedle toho neobsahují dostatečnou reflexi dosavadního výzkumu ani nenabízejí náležitý ediční servis a zcela rezignují na snahu o interpretaci. Průvodcům tak podle recenzenta schází relevantní návod k použití i klíč k vyhodnocení nahromaděných empirických poznatků. Dále se recenzent soustředí na otázky, zda a jak obě publikace posunují historické poznání a jaké problémy otevírají, co přinášejí z hlediska historické kultury a jaká je úroveň jejich redakčního a edičního zpracování.
13
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Broń maszynowa, towarzysząca i przeciwpancerna batalionów piechoty Wojska Polskiego w 1939 r.

51%
Paluch M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2021
|
issue 2
441-457
PL
Artykuł zawiera najnowsze wyniki badań i analizy dotyczące jakościowego i ilościowego potencjału karabinów maszynowych, artylerii towarzyszącej i broni przeciwpancernej, którymi dysponowały bataliony piechoty Wojska Polskiego w momencie wybuchu II wojny światowej. Autor porównuje również możliwości bojowe sprzętu piechoty polskiej i niemieckiej we wrześniu 1939 r.
14
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Gunter Scholze, “Wir hatten Glück!”

51%
Matuszyk M.
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
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2015
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vol. 5
229-257
EN
In his narrative, Professor Gunter Scholze talks both about the escape and relocation from the Silesia region to the British Occupation Zone of Occupation in Germany after WWII, and about his family’s difficult beginnings in North Rhine-Westphalia, which after the war became a new Heimat for him and his family. The Scholze family began their exodus in January 1945, when little Gunter was evacuated from Oppeln together with his mother and brother. Till the end of the war the three of them wandered all over Silesia searching for a safe place to stay. When the war ended, they found themselves in Bad Kudova, a place where many Silesian refugees found shelter. This was also the place where they were rejoined with the father. On 9th June, 1945, in accordance with the Potsdam agreement, the whole family were resettled to the British Zone of Occupation in Germany. Professor Scholze often underlines how lucky his family were throughout this time.
15
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Polish Auxiliary Forces and their Law Academic Scripts at the University Camp in Grangeneuve/Fribourg

51%
Leraczyk I.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
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2022
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vol. 99
137-151
PL
Żołnierzom 2. Dywizji Strzelców Pieszych, internowanym w Szwajcarii w latach 1940–1945, stworzono możliwość podjęcia studiów w ramach współpracy obozów ze szwajcarskimi uczelniami. W Obozie Uniwersyteckim w Grangeneuve/Fryburgu jednym ze zorganizowanych kierunków były studia prawnicze. Ich program zawierał przedmioty wykładane na Uniwersytecie we Fryburgu, a także przewidywał wykłady z prawa polskiego. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie roli, jaką w dydaktyce prawa w obozie odegrały skrypty akademickie. Pokrótce wyjaśniono, czym były skrypty i przybliżono, w jaki sposób powstawała seria Skryptów wykładów uniwersyteckich w Grangeneuve (później Fribourg – La Chasotte). Ich twórcami, w przeważającej mierze, byli sami żołnierze, przedwojenni pracownicy naukowi polskich uczelni lub absolwenci i praktycy prawa. Jako przykład ich zaangażowania posłuży skrypt przygotowany w zimie 1941 r. przez Jana Świdę, dotyczący podstawowych instytucji szwajcarskiego prawa spadkowego. Jego treść i sposób przygotowania porównana zostanie ze skryptami autorstwa Aleksandra Mełenia i Wacława Petscha, wydanymi w tym samym roku.
EN
The soldiers of the 2nd Division of Rifle Infantry interned in Switzerland in the years 1940–1945 were offered an opportunity to undertake studies on the grounds of cooperation between war camps and Swiss academies. Among the study programs organized at the University Camp in Grangeneuve/Fribourg were studies in law. Their syllabus included subjects taught at the University of Fribourg and provided for lectures on Polish law. The aim of the article is to demonstrate the role that the law academic scripts (course materials) played in the camp. The article includes a brief explanation of what the scripts were and outlines the origin of the series entitled Scripts of University Lectures in Grangeneuve, later Fribourg – La Chassotte (Skrypty wykładów uniwersyteckich w Grangeneuve). They were authored, to a large degree, by soldiers themselves, together with pre-war academics based on Polish universities, graduates in law and practitioners of law. An excellent illustration of their involvement can be the script written in the winter of 1941 by Jan Świda, related to the basic institutions of Swiss inheritance law. The content of this work and the way it was prepared will be compared with the scripts created by Aleksander Mełeń and Wacław Petsch, printed in the same year.
16
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Seznamy vězňů tzv. cikánských koncentračních táborů očima onomastiky

51%
Dvořáková Ž.
Onomastica
|
2022
|
vol. 66
65-83
EN
Two concentration camps were established for Roma people in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in 1942. Roma from Bohemia were deported to Lety and Roma from Moravia to the camp near Hodonín u Kunštátu, before most of them were murdered in the “Gypsy family camp” (Zigeunerlager) in Auschwitz II. Birkenau. The lists of prisoners are valuable not only for historians (they were published previously by the historian Ctibor Nečas), but also for onomastics, as they allow us to analyse the naming practise of Czech and Moravian Roma in the pre-war period. There are 325 unique surnames on these lists, with most of them being Czech or German, and they thus demonstrate the connection with the territory and its language(s). The study discusses the most common Roma surnames in Moravia (e.g. Daniel, Holomek, Burianský) and in Bohemia (e.g. Růžička, Janeček, Vrba) as well as the surnames of Sinti living in the Czech borderland regions (e.g. Winter). It is shown that the surnames of Roma from Bohemia and Moravia were different due to the historical and social reasons. They were mostly derived from personal names (e.g. Florián) and place names (e.g. Dubský), they were motivated by the occupation adopted (e.g. Kovář ‘smith’) or the character and appearance of the individual (e.g. Malík ‘small’). After the war, only 583 of the 4,870 Roma who had been imprisoned returned.
CS
Na území Protektorátu Čechy a Moravy byly v roce 1942 zřízeny dva tzv. cikánské koncentrační tábory. Romové z Čech byly deportováni do tábora v Letech, Romové z Moravy a Slezska do tábora nedaleko Hodonína u Kunštátu. Většina z nich poté byla zavražděna v “cikánském rodinném táboře” (Zigeunerlager) v Osvětimi II. Březince. Seznamy vězňů jsou velmi cenné nejen pro historiky (byly vydány historikem Ctiborem Nečasem), ale i pro onomastiky, neboť nám dovolují nahlédnout do pojmenovávacích zvyklostí českých a moravských Romů v předválečném období. Na těchto seznamech nacházíme 325 příjmení. Většina z nich je česká, popř. německá, a dokládají tak sepětí s tímto územím a jeho jazykem/jazyky. Studie analyzuje nejčastější příjmení na Moravě (např. Daniel, Holomek a Burianský) i v Čechách (např. Růžička, Vrba a Janeček), stejně jako příjmení Sintů žijících v oblasti Sudet (např. Winter, Bernhardt). Ukazuje se, že příjmení Romů v Čechách a na Moravě byla odlišná, což bylo dáno historickými a sociálními příčinami. Nejčastěji byla odvozena z osobních jmen (např. Florián) nebo toponym (např. Dubský), byla motivována povoláním (např. Kovář) nebo charakterem a vzhledem (např. Malík). Po válce se z 4 870 Romů vrátilo jen 583.
17
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Christine Przybyła-Long, “And she helped four thousand people become citizens of the United States”

45%
Wojdon J.
Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej
|
2016
|
vol. 6
133-158
PL
Christine Przybyła-Long is one of the 9 milion Americans of Polish origins living in the United States. Her descendatns came to Chicago during the mass migration from the turn of 20th century and she was born there in 1931. In her account Christine Przybyła-Long tells about her childhood and a life of a family belonging to the “Old Polonia”. She gives a lot of attention to the situation of Poles who migrated to the United States after WWII and to her own political involvement into Polish American affairs after 1990, that was crucial in the case of granting four thousand people american visas.
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