Search results

1

Arguing to Persuade and Arguing to Explore in Preschoolers' Narrative Discourse

100%

Rytel J.

Psychology of Language and Communication

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2009

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vol. 13

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issue 1

21-38

EN

The paper focuses on argumentation occurring in the process of co-constructing narrative text at the preschool age in the two types of situations: one where disagreernent between the discourse participants occurs, and another where none of the discourse participants has opposed the speaker's position, in undisputed, non-conflict situations. The data come from a study of 162 children between ages four and seven. The children participated in the study as co-narrators (two children in the role of co-narrators), who constructed a text for a peer listener (a third child in the role of a listener). The analyzed material consisted of 93 narrative texts. The findings show that the argumentation refers to both dimensions of children's narration activity: the content introduced by discourse participants, i.e., the semantic dimension of the constructed text, and the process of constructing the text, i.e., the interactive dimension (who, when and how introduces any given information). However, in conflict situations the argumentation more often concerns the interactive dimension. On the other hand, in non-conflict situations, the argumentation more often concerns the semantic dimension of the discourse. Moreover, when the argumentation refers to the rules of interaction in the discourse, it is mostly characterized by a simple structure and is constructed individually. When the argumentation refers to the content which is introduced in the discourse, in the non conflict situations it is still mostly characterized by asimple and individually created structure, but in comparison to the conflict situations it is more often constructed jointly and results in the more compound structures. The analyses of argumentation in the two types of situation - conflict and non conflict ones - reveal that convincing, as the main goal of argumentation, can be realized in narrative discourse in different ways.

2

On the argument-adjunct distinction in the Polish “Semantic Syntax” tradition

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Przepiórkowski A.

Cognitive Studies

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2017

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issue 17

EN

On the argument-adjunct distinction in the Polish Semantic Syntax traditionThe aim of this paper is to examine the understanding of the Argument-Adjunct Distinction within the Polish Semantic Syntax (SS) tradition, associated with the name of Stanisław Karolak and presented in the nominally syntactic volume of the Grammar of contemporary Polish (Pol. Gramatyka współczesnego języka polskiego; Topolińska, 1984), especially in Karolak (1984) and Grochowski (1984), as well as in later work. Section 1 reviews the three approaches to determining the number and kind of arguments of a given predicate, as discussed in Karolak (1984), concentrating on the one that is endorsed there. Then, Sections 2–3 show that the key notions used in this approach have not been – and probably cannot be – made operational. Moreover, Section 4 briefly reviews some more recent Semantic Syntax work and shows that this lack of operational AAD in Karolak (1984) extends to the SS programme at large. Finally, Section 5 concludes that this deficiency, while common in linguistic theories, is particularly troublesome in the case of SS, which is founded on the notion of predicate-argument structure. O rozróżnieniu argumentów od modyfikatorów w polskiej tradycji „składni semantycznej”Artykuł poświęcony jest kwestii fundamentalnej dla szkoły „składni semantycznej” (kojarzonej przede wszystkim z nazwiskiem Stanisława Karolaka), a mianowicie kwestii odróżniania argumentów od modyfikatorów. Celem artykułu jest wykazanie, że w tradycji „składni semantycznej” nie została zaproponowana operacyjna procedura odróżnienia argumentów od modyfikatorów, choć istnienie takiej procedury wydaje się warunkiem koniecznym dla wyodrębnienia struktury predykatowo-argumentowej, głównego celu wielu prac zakorzenionych w tej tradycji.

3

Vzťah Prefixácie, Vidu a Valencie

100%

Walková M.

Jazykovedný Casopis

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2015

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vol. 65

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issue 2

123-137

EN

Literature has pointed out to the existence of two kinds of aspectual prefixes in Slavic languages - external or superlexical and internal or lexical - which differ in the ability to mark telicity and alter argument structure. The study discusses the two kinds of prefixes in Slovak on the basis of scalarity underlying telicity. External prefixes are nonscalar, they express an event is bounded in time but not inherently delimited. They are ±telic and they do not alter argument structure. In contrast, internal prefixes are scalar, because they refer to a scale that measures the event. They are +telic because they denote a boundary on the scale. They can alter argument structure because the event participant measured by a scale must be obligatorily realized as subject or direct object. There are three cases of argument structure alternation: 1. an optionally transitive verb becomes an obligatorily transitive prefixed verb, 2. an intransitive verb becomes an obligatorily transitive prefixed verb with unselected direct object, 3. an intransitive verb becomes an obligatorily reflexive prefixed verb with unselected reflexive marker sa, which I consider a kind of direct object.

4

The development of and factors influencing double object construction preference of the ditransitive verbs envy and forgive

88%

Hlaváčková V., Brůhová G.

Linguistica Pragensia

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2022

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vol. 32

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issue 2

198-213

EN

The paper investigates the double object constructions, viz. SVOi Od and SVOOprep clause patterns, of the ditransitive verbs envy and forgive. The syntactic and semantic specificity of the two verbs in question may indicate a possible future extinction of their ditransitive use. The present study aims to provide an extensive quantitative and qualitative analysis of the double object construction preference from both the diachronic and synchronic perspectives. Using a corpus sample of American English (COHA), the data reveal a complex situation. While the double object constructions with envy prefer the indirect object clause pattern, there is a notable tendency of such constructions to gradually decline in frequency and give rise to the prepositional pattern. Forgive shows preference for the SVOOprep pattern. Nevertheless, it is the form of the objects that seems to play a significant role in the double object construction preference.

5

How complex are deverbal nouns? Argument and event structure in synthetic -ing compounds in English

88%

Wasak S., Wasak S.

Linguistica Silesiana

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2020

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vol. 41

6

L2 acquisition of Spanish dative clitics by English and Dutch learners

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Escobar-Álvarez M. Á.

Studies in Second Language Learning and Teaching

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2017

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vol. 7

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issue 3

517-534

EN

This article examines the second language acquisition (SLA) of Spanish dative clitics in clitic doubling (CLD) structures that are closely related to the double object construction (DOC) in English and Dutch. It also addresses the question of how adult English and Dutch speakers learning L2 Spanish in a formal setting develop knowledge and use of the animacy constraint in the target language, which is different from the first language (L1) counterparts. The role of transfer in acquiring new syntactic structures has been taken into account, where dative clitics appear and animate objects are marked by the dative preposition ‘to.’ New findings are obtained on CLD and the Spanish animacy constraint from a grammaticality judgement task (GJT), completed by English and Dutch learners at B1 and B2 CEFR levels. The difficulties learners experienced were not always due to negative L1 transfer, but also related to the complexity of the argument structure where the clitic is inserted. This has clear implications for the teaching of pronominal elements which are closely related to different syntactic configurations in Spanish.

7

Structures argumentales de prédicats N Prép N. Emplois réciproques et non réciproques

87%

Kaliska A. K.

Studia Romanica Posnaniensia

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2019

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vol. 46

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issue 1

75-95

EN

The purpose of this article is to provide the lexical analysis of predicates such as face à face (‘face to face’) and côte à côte (‘side by side’), which are generally reciprocal and symmetric. Some of them are also used in an unusual way, that is, the structures in which they appear do not meet the requirements set for symmetric constructions. This imbalance, as we will show, has for the origin a semantic difference between the arguments x and y which must belong to the same semantic class if we want them to be in a symmetric relation. The question of semantic similarity within the argument structures is thus of greater importance for the semantic completeness of the reciprocal predicates. The question will be for us to recognize if, when a semantic difference occurs, we would have to deal with different (non reciprocal) meanings and if so how to describe them.

8

“DON'T FOOL AROUND WITH THE COPS" : UNIDIRECTIONAL AND BIDIRECTIONAL COMITATIVE RELATIONS IN LANGUAGE

63%

Fekete I., Pléh C.

Magyar Pszichologiai Szemle (Hungarian Psychological Review)

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2011

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vol. 66

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issue 4

559-586

EN

This paper explores how bidirectional and unidirectional comitative constructions are processed. Bidirectional (symmetric) comitative constructions describe events where the two actors undergo the same effect described by the predicate (e.g. John was kissing with Mary), whereas unidirectional (asymmetric, instrumental-like) comitative constructions describe events in which one of the actors is the agent, and the other one is the patient (e.g. John was messing with Mary). In particular, we used the self-paced reading paradigm to determine if the two constructions access distinct mental representations. We found that the understanding of the two constructions differ as a function of word-order, and there is a difference in the processing of anaphoras referring to the Subject. Taken together, the findings suggest that mental representations activated by bidirectional and unidirectional constructions are also processed automatically during online language comprehension. Results are interpreted within the framework of the simulation paradigm (Bergen, 2007) and the situation model account (Zwaan, Radvansky, 1998).

9

Discrete Entailment-Based Linking and -EENouns in English

63%

González L.

Research in Language

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2007

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vol. 5

51-79

EN

Barker (1998) argues that since the referent of an -ee noun can be an indirect object, a direct object, a prepositional object, or a subject, -ee nouns cannot be described as a syntactic natural class. Portero Muñoz (2003) concurs and offers a semantic analysis based on Logical Structure (LS) in the framework of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG). This article proposes that RRG's macroroles (Actor and Undergoer) can be derived with two entailments and without any need for LS. Its analysis improves Portero Muñoz's, presenting additional evidence that subjects that allow -ee noun formation are Undergoers. It also explains why most -ee nouns are direct objects in spite of the fact that the suffix originated as a referent for indirect objects. Finally, it offers an explanation for nouns like amputee, pluckee, twistee, benefactee, malefactee, biographee, catapultee, razee, standee, attendee.

10

Discrete Entailment-Based Linking and -EE Nouns in English

63%

González L.

Research in Language

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2007

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vol. 5

51-79

EN

Barker (1998) argues that since the referent of an -ee noun can be an indirect object, a direct object, a prepositional object, or a subject, -ee nouns cannot be described as a syntactic natural class. Portero Muñoz (2003) concurs and offers a semantic analysis based on Logical Structure (LS) in the framework of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG). This article proposes that RRG’s macroroles (Actor and Undergoer) can be derived with two entailments and without any need for LS. Its analysis improves Portero Muñoz’s, presenting additional evidence that subjects that allow -ee noun formation are Undergoers. It also explains why most -ee nouns are direct objects in spite of the fact that the suffi Xoriginated as a referent for indirect objects. Finally, it offers an explanation for nouns like amputee, pluckee, twistee, benefactee, malefactee, biographee, catapultee, razee, standee, attendee.

11

Algunas consideraciones descriptivas sobre el uso de per part de (‘por parte de’) como introductor de argumentos nominales en catalán

63%

Cremades Cortiella E.

Linguistica Pragensia

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2017

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vol. 27

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issue 1

20-37

EN

This paper aims to provide some information on the use of per part de as a preposition introducing noun phrase external arguments in Catalan. It is assumed that some nouns, like verbs, project an argument structure, i.e. DP is parallel to IP. One of these parallelisms concerns the passivization properties. In fact, authors like Picallo (1991) assumed that nouns can only be analyzed as licensing argument structure and having an event reading when they are passive and their agent is thus introduced by per or per part de. However, these constructions seem to be infrequent in medieval Catalan, which calls into question the preceding assumption. In summary, this paper will provide some evidence to prove that, while passivity is not directly linked to eventivity, a passive/active alternation has expanded in Catalan DP domain.

ES

En este artículo se ofrece información sobre el uso de per part de como introductor del argumento externo de los nombres eventivos en catalán. Se asume que los nombres, igual que los verbos, proyectan una estructura argumental, por lo que se pueden establecer paralelismos entre el sintagma determinante y el sintagma flexión. Uno de estos paralelismos tiene que ver con las posibilidades de pasivización. De hecho, autores como Picallo (1991) asumen que los nombres solo tienen lectura eventiva (y, en consecuencia, solo admiten estructura argumental) cuando son pasivos y el agente es introducido por las preposiciones per o per part de. Ahora bien, estas construcciones parecen muy poco frecuentes en catalán antiguo, lo que pone en cuestión la asunción precedente. El artículo muestra, pues, que no se puede relacionar la pasividad con la eventividad y que los nombres, como los verbos, disponen de alternancia pasiva/activa en su lectura eventiva.

12

The interface between verbal semantics and clause structure in Arabic hitting and breaking verbs

51%

Hassan W.

Białostockie Archiwum Językowe

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2015

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vol. 15

EN

This paper investigates the relationship between verbal semantics and clause structure in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). The departure point of this study is the classical paper of Fillmore (1970) The Grammar of Hitting and Breaking, in which he distinguishes two classes of English transitive verbs: (1) surface contact verbs, as in (hit, slap, strike, bump, stroke) vs. change of state verbs, as in (break, bend, fold, shatter, crack). In his paper, Fillmore argues that the meaning of a verb is based on the systematic components of meaning; that is the template of the event, and the idiosyncratic properties of the verb root. Similar to English, the Daraba ‘hitting’ and the kasara ‘breaking’ verbs are grammatically relevant in MSA. I show that the two classes are distinguished by a number of grammatical and semantic properties in MSA, as they are in English, by the means of a number of testing alternations. The paper concludes that hitting and breaking verbs are strikingly similar in English and Arabic, which supports the universality of the principles that govern the relationship between verbal semantics and argument structure.

PL

Przedmiotem badań w niniejszym artykule jest relacja między semantyką czasownika a strukturą zdania we współczesnym standardowym języku arabskim. Punktem wyjścia dla dociekań autorki jest klasyczna praca Fillmore’a z 1970 roku pt. The Grammar of Hitting and Breaking, w której wyodrębnione zostały dwa rodzaje angielskich czasowników przechodnich: (1) czasowniki opisujące styczność z powierzchnią (bić, policzkować, razić, zderzać się, klepać, uderzać) oraz (2) czasowniki wyrażające zmianę stanu z jednego w drugi (łamać, zginać, składać, roztrzaskać, pękać). Według Fillmore’a znaczenie czasownika zasadza się na systemowych składnikach znaczenia, tj. matrycy wydarzenia oraz specyficznych właściwościach rdzenia czasownika. Z gramatycznego punktu widzenia, czasownik Daraba (‘uderzać’) oraz kasara (‘łamać’) są istotne w języku arabskim; podobnie jak ich odpowiedniki hit i break w języku angielskim. Autorka udowadnia, że charakterystyczne cechy gramatyczne i semantyczne obu grup czasowników można uchwycić za pomocą testów diagnostycznych. Autorka konkluduje, że czasowniki typu uderzać i łamać w obu językach są zaskakująco do siebie podobne, co może stanowić potwierdzenie tezy o uniwersalności zasad rządzących relacjami między semantyką czasownika a strukturą zdania.

Refine search results

Arguing to Persuade and Arguing to Explore in Preschoolers' Narrative Discourse

On the argument-adjunct distinction in the Polish “Semantic Syntax” tradition

Vzťah Prefixácie, Vidu a Valencie

The development of and factors influencing double object construction preference of the ditransitive verbs envy and forgive

How complex are deverbal nouns? Argument and event structure in synthetic -ing compounds in English

L2 acquisition of Spanish dative clitics by English and Dutch learners

Structures argumentales de prédicats N Prép N. Emplois réciproques et non réciproques

“DON'T FOOL AROUND WITH THE COPS" : UNIDIRECTIONAL AND BIDIRECTIONAL COMITATIVE RELATIONS IN LANGUAGE

Discrete Entailment-Based Linking and -EENouns in English

Discrete Entailment-Based Linking and -EE Nouns in English

Algunas consideraciones descriptivas sobre el uso de per part de (‘por parte de’) como introductor de argumentos nominales en catalán

The interface between verbal semantics and clause structure in Arabic hitting and breaking verbs