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Świat i Słowo
|
2021
|
vol. 37
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issue 2
319-323
EN
During the coronavirus pandemic, the Molise Croats intensified their presence in social media, in which they show activities to preserve the language, traditions and culture of their ancestors. At that time, new literary works were created, including refer to pandemic times. They based their newly created epidemic vocabulary mainly in Italian.
PL
W czasach pandemii koronawirusa molizańscy Chorwaci zintensyfikowali swoją obecność w mediach społecznościowych, w których ukazują działania na rzecz zachowania języka, tradycji i kultury swoich przodków. Powstały w tym czasie nowe utwory literackie, które m.in. odnoszą się do czasów pandemicznych. Nowo powstałe słownictwo związane z epidemią oparli głównie na terminologii włoskiej.
EN
The paper reflects on selected parts from interviews taken by the author in Lune 2016 in Munich. All the participants are so-called „displaced persons”, who after the end of the World War II were on the territory of Germany. For different reasons they did not go to the West but also decided not to return to their Motherland. In the beginning of the article the author mentions the reasons of the decisions to interview Ukrainians in Munich. They share their memories about the time spent in displaced persons camps (about 10 years). The interviewees talked about Polish-Ukrainian antagonisms, which had taken place before the beginning of World War II, the unpleasant reality during the German occupation, the terms of work in the camps of the Reich and the divisions within the Ukrainian diaspora.
EN
There are three traditional foundation or pillars of Ukrainian national identity; language, religion and social memory but religion is the most important. It is connected in special way with the Orthodox Church and its role to the preservation and reconstruction that identity. Interviews conducted among Orthodox Church priests working in the decanates of Olsztyn, Elbląg and Węgorzewo and other researches make clear that religion is the real value of native ethnic culture and center of Ukrainian national consciousness. Social and cultural role of Orthodox parish churches in the Ukrainian community refers also to the situation before 1947 i.e. deportation Ukrainians on Wamia and Mazury. History and memory of the polish-ukrainian borderland show that among principles of coexistence of Poles and Ukrainians religion and church were the most important. Now significance of religion in processes of identification is also recognized. It seems that future existence of Ukrainian diaspora in Warmia and Mazury depends on religion. It means that the range of the assimilation processes will depend not only on rate of conversional and mixed marriage but also on different forms of secularization. Religious institutions are connected with political; Ukrainian Orthodox Church which gained full political and cultural rights after 1989 increased his social and cultural activity to become the most important institution of presentation of ethnic group interests.
EN
This article explores how young displaced Iraqi Sunni Muslim women negotiate religious identity in diaspora, and how veiling becomes an expression of a new politicised Islamic feminism. Veiling continues to be the focus of ideological debates about Islam and women’s rights in the Muslim world and in the global diaspora of displaced refugees. Young refugee and migrant women fi nd themselves at the intersection of new and old Muslim communities, secular and religious feminisms, and fi rst- and second-generation ideals of female modesty. Based on oral histories conducted with Arab and Kurdish Sunni Iraqi women now resettled in the Toronto and Detroit areas, the article traces a new trend in grassroots religiosity among young women in diaspora. New forms of a politicised religious subjectivity, in this case through veiling, suggest that these young women actively mobilise around a religiously constituted political consciousness. As a ‘speech act’ wearing hijab can in part be understood as a political performance that embodies the intersections of religious and non-religious symbolism. As the article argues, it is as migrants located at the intersection of new and old imaginaries of a global Umma that these reimagined religious subjectivities are forged.
EN
The article presents the phenomenon of the Moldovan diaspora, indicating the „old diaspora” to the countries of the former USSR, as well as the „new emigration”, mainly to the European Union. Attention was focused on Kishinev’s policy towards emigration, above all in the institutional and legal context. Relations were related to changes in policy in the context of the hybrid war in Ukraine.
EN
This article focuses on the formation of the Estonian community in Brazil at the beginning of the 20th century. There were three waves of migration: the first decade of the 20th century, the time between the two world wars and the migration of Estonian refugees after World War II. Allegedly, the first Estonians reached Brazil at the beginning of the 19th century, although this is very unlikely. The first documented case is a sailor named Jüri Jürison, who visited Rio de Janeiro during his voyage from Kronstadt to Vladivostok in 1865. The first Estonian who resided in Brazil was a missionary named Hans Tiismann, who worked as a reverend in Santa Cruz in the years 1875-1884. The first evidence of the permanent Estonian population dates from 1902. The first larger group of Estonians arrived in Brazil in 1906 and immigration continued in subsequent years. The Brazilian states, especially Sao Paolo, were on constant promotion tours in Europe in order to attract more manpower to Brazil. It is not known how many Estonians reached Brazil at the beginning of the 20th century, but based on an estimate, the number could have been between 500 and 1000. Quite a large number of them were inhabitants of Estonian communes from other parts of the Russian Empire and many of them were Baptists. Due to the difficult conditions over there, several of those who had migrated to Brazil returned to their homeland after a few years. The article describes the causes of Estonians’ emigration to Brazil, the composition of migrants, group size, and adaptation in their new homeland. Also the article examines the promotional brochure written by Johann Gutmann, which had a strong influence on migrants.
EN
This article examines the current state of Ukraine’s policy towards emigration. The authors seek to transcend the state-oriented approach, highlighting the role that diaspora and non-governmental organisations played in accelerating the process of policy formulation in this area. Explanations are provided for the Ukrainian state’s failure to actively implement a consistent policy on emigration. A historical overview of the legal and institutional developments shows that the issue did not have much priority during the first two decades of the country’s independence. It emerges that external pressure from the EU and non-state actors was needed to elaborate a set of guarantees for Ukrainian emigrants. Since 2011 a series of legislative initiatives have been launched, whose effectiveness is in doubt as long as the country does not overcome the larger challenges of territorial integrity and financial stability. The authors argue that for the Ukrainian policy towards emigration to be effective, opportunities need to be created for the permanent consultation and involvement of diaspora and non-governmental organisations.
EN
Most of the Central and Eastern European and post-soviet countries have a longlasting tradition of emigration and possess large diasporas, often dispersed all over the world. Due to their volume and socio-economic position diasporas become on the one hand independent entities in international relations, on the other – influential actors on the political scene in the country of origin and targets of state’s policy. This article aims to analyze the political impact of diasporas on the relations with country of origin as well as on international politics. The case studies are countries of Central and Eastern Europe and post-soviet region. The article consists of four parts. The first is devoted to the conceptual considerations around the definition of diaspora and its role as subject and object of politics. The next two parts analyse the place of diasporas as actors in international relations and in the internal politics of the countries of origin. In the last section the diaspora politics are discussed, illustrated by selected examples of countries of the region.
EN
Considering several forms of diasporas, in this theoretical paper it is conceptualized as phenomena of contemporary world, primarily of transnational capitalism and informational technology. As specific form of so called sea-based diaspora, we refer to Filipino overseas workers. Indicating the national state as key actor with specific implications on Filipino seafarers diaspora at sea and on land, we affirmed our notion that global diaspora is social construct where different, often contradictory, interest of several social actors at diverse levels of agency are involved. In this context, sea and ship can be understood within third place spatial theory as highly globalized, multiethnic places of experienced diversity. Hence sociology of sea provides methodological and theoretical framework for rethinking social world and sociology itself beyond terrestrial.
EN
Circassian National Movement: Emigration, Diaspora, TransnationalismThe main purpose of this article is to give an account of historical development of Circassian nationalism. Author proposes a modernist and ethno-symbilist perspective in researching national idea of Caucasian ethnic group devided in stalinist USSR as a result of national engeenering, as well as by nineteenth century conquest of Northern Caucasus. The category of 'trans-nationalism' is based on Arjun Appadurai's understending of development of various social and cultural identities in globalising world. The case of Circassians living in North Caucasus and diaspora is viewed in this perspective. Thus, article is a historical and anthropological scope of Circassian nationalism in past two centuries. Czerkieski ruch narodowy: emigracja – diaspora – transnacjonalizmGłównym celem artykułu jest przybliżenie historycznego rozwoju nacjonalizmu czerkieskiego. W badaniach nad tożsamością pochodzącej z Kaukazu Północnego grupy etnicznej  autor proponuje perspektywę modernistyczną i etnosymboliczną. Czerkiesi zostali podzieleni na odrębne grupy w wyniku stalinowskiej inżynierii narodowej. Wcześniej znaczna ich grupa została wygnana z Kaukazu podczas rosyjskiego podboju regionu. Potomkowie wygnańców tworzą dziś diasporę, której poświęcono najwięcej miejsca. Współczesna tożsamość Czerkiesów żyjących w diasporze i na Kaukazie została ujęta w ramy zjawiska zwanego w tekście “transnacjonalizmem”. Kategoria ta oparta jest na rozumieniu nowoczesnych tożsamości społecznych proponowanemu przez Arjuna Appadurai'a. W takiej perspektywie omawiana jest historia czerkieskiego nacjonalizmu w ciągu ostatnich dwóch stuleci.
XX
Both Russia and Poland – to varying degrees – tend to maintain ties with “compatriots” living abroad, but these two groups are distinct in their essence. Poles living outside Poland can be rather qualified as part/parts of divided people, whereas Russian-backed compatriots form a divided nation, and moreover, form not a divided nation of the Russian Federation, but a post-Soviet one. The Government of the Russian Federation used to claim maintaining ties with “Russian compatriots” living abroad. The theme of rights of Russians living abroad is among the most popular ones in Russian media. The groups of Russian-speaking, who live in the former Soviet republics, have often been subjects or objects of conflict situations in the last 20 years because of their desire to live in accordance with their identity. But the essence of this group of so-called Russians, living on the post-Soviet sphere, is very complex. Russian-backed compatriots form not a divided people – in an ethnic sense – but a divided nation (a cultural or historical, non-ethnic group). And moreover, such groups form not a divided nation of Russian Federation, but a post-Soviet divided nation.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badania pilotażowego dotyczącego sposobów negocjowania tożsamości narodowej przez członków polskiej społeczności (Polonii) w amerykańskim Cleveland. Ujawniło ono złożone sposoby podtrzymywania i wyznaczania granic kulturowych (a zatem i konstruowania tożsamości zbiorowej) przez Polonię w sytuacji nierównych relacji władzy wobec społeczeństwa przyjmującego, ale i w łonie samej diaspory. Praktyki te realizowane są nie tylko w kontrze do społeczeństwa amerykańskiego, lecz także członków własnej grupy etnicznej, wskutek czego zachodzą jednoczesne procesy wzmacniania i osłabiania więzi diasporycznych, włączania i wykluczania poszczególnych jednostek i grup. Procesy te potęgowane są przez istnienie wielopłaszczyznowych podziałów wewnątrz tej społeczności (pokoleniowych, klasowych, przestrzennych i politycznych), które kształtują jej kondycję i wzorce uczestnictwa członków.
EN
The article presents the findings of a pilot study on the ways of negotiating national identity within the Polish community (Polonia) in the American city of Cleveland. The study showed the complex ways of maintaining and building cultural boundaries (and thus constructing collective identity) by the Polish diaspora in the situation of unequal power relations with the host society, but also within Polonia itself. These practices are conducted not only in opposition to the American society but also to members of their ethnic group, as a result of which there are simultaneous processes of strengthening and weakening diasporic ties, including and excluding individual members and groups. These processes are being reinforced by the existence of multifaceted divisions within this community (generational, social class-based, spatial, and political), which shape its condition and the patterns of its members’ participation.
Rocznik Lubuski
|
2020
|
vol. 46
|
issue 2
47-58
PL
Wybór tematu jest uwarunkowany globalnym przepływem migracji zarobkowej, w szczególności rosnącym tempem tej migracji w Armenii w ostatnich latach. Rozpowszechniona diaspora ormiańska stała się dodatkowym czynnikiem wpływającym na kształtowaniu transnarodowej sieci migracji zarobkowej. Sieć ta sugeruje nowe podejście do migracji zarobkowej i do badań jej konsekwencji. Głównym celem artykułu jest zbadanie społecznych konsekwencji migracji zarobkowej, w szczególności jej wpływu na zmiany społeczne w kraju pochodzenia. Na podstawie podejścia migracyjnego, podejścia wymiany oraz sieci społecznościowej, w artykule omówiono jak migracja zarobkowa wpływa na zmiany społeczne, w jakich aspektach, jakie ma konkretne przejawy. Badanie zostało przeprowadzone przy użyciu metod analizy źródeł wtórnych oraz analizy dokumentów.
EN
The topic of the article is inspired by the global flow of labour migration, especially the growing pace of this migration in Armenia in recent years. The widespread Armenian diaspora has become an additional factor influencing the formation of a transnational network of labour migration. This network implies a new approach to labour migration and research on its consequences. The main aim of this article is to examine the social consequences of labour migration, in particular its impact on social changes in the country of origin. On the basis of the migration approach, the exchange approach and the social network, the article discusses how labour migration affects social changes, which aspects are affected, and what specific manifestations it has. The study was conducted with the use of secondary source analysis methods and document analysis.
PL
Artykuł skupia się na debacie politycznej wokół spraw związanych z diasporami i dyplomacją publiczną. Członkowie diaspor nie są już postrzegani tylko przez pryzmat pieniędzy wysyłanych do swych ojczyzn, ale coraz częściej jako katalizator międzynarodowych kontaktów. Dyplomacja diaspor staje się istotniejsza w kontekście rosnącej liczby osób, która żyje poza granicami ojczyzn, ale także dzięki rozwojowi środków transportu oraz narzędzi komunikacyjnych, które umożliwiają utrzymywanie relacji z miejscem pochodzenia. Artykuł skupia się na korzyściach, które działania diaspor przynoszą państwom wysyłającym oraz przyjmującym, na zjawisku tworzenia międzynarodowych sieci, metodach wykorzystywanych przez państwa wysyłające do tworzenia relacji z diasporami, zmianie w podejściu do diaspor oraz wskazaniu konkretnych przypadków.
EN
At the heart of this article lie issues related to diasporas and public diplomacy. Members of diasporas are no longer viewed through the lense of the money sent to their motherlands, but – ever more frequently – as the driving force of international relations. Diaspora-related diplomacy is, then, becoming increasingly significant as a result of the growing number of people living in countries other than countries of origin, but also thanks to the advancements in transportation system and communication tools that make it possible for diaspora members to keep in touch with their families and friends in their homelands. The main focus of the article is on the advantages of diasporas’ activity for both migrant- sending and migrant-receiving countries, on the phenomenon of creating international networks, and on the methods used by the sending countries to establish relations with diasporas (specific examples have been provided). Unfortunately, the limited space has made it impossible for the author to raise several important issues such as that of defining public diplomacy.
EN
Article is about Armenian history in 20th century. Author concentrate on main subject: Armenian Genocide between 1915 and 1920 in Turkey; Armenians trouble in USSR; Armenian minority in Lebanon, France, USA, Poland and Turkey; Armenian Independence.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono historię Ormian w XX w. Skoncentrowano się na następujących zagadnieniach: Ludobójstwo Ormian w Turcji w latach 1915–1920; problemy Ormian w ZSRR, skupiska Ormian w Libanie, Francji, Stanach Zjednoczonych, Polsce oraz Turcji; niepodległość Armenii.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present results of a research project “Learning in a transnational environment”, devoted to the meanings of learning given by international students in Poland. The phenomenographic method was used in the research project. Five dominating meanings were established, illustrating how individual experience of learning as well as collective and national experience may be connected in the learning process. In terms of theoretical framework, the notion of transnationalism, most of all related to the global changes in the Academy, was used.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników projektu badawczego „Uczenie się w środowisku transnarodowym”, poświęconego znaczeniom uczenia się konstruowanym przez studentów zagranicznych studiujących w Polsce. Przedstawione badanie opiera się na wywiadach fenomenograficznych. W toku procesu badawczego wyodrębniono pięć dominujących znaczeń, ilustrujących, w jaki sposób w ramach doświadczenia studiowania za granicą łączyć mogą się doświadczenia związane z indywidualnym uczeniem się jednostki oraz doświadczenie zbiorowe, w tym narodowe. Jako ramę teoretyczną wykorzystano koncepcję transnarodowości, przede wszystkim jej aspekt związany z globalnymi przemianami w Akademii.
EN
The present text describes controversies connected with cult of Dorje Shugden, a deity of Tibetan Buddhism on the background of crisis of Tibetan diaspora in India. The author presents points of view of followers of Shugden and 14th Dalai Lama who banned the practice of the cult. It shows examples of intolerance and mutual attacks of Shugden’s followers and their enemies in India. The conflict is a symptom of the crisis of the Tibetan diaspora and of spirituality itself in times of domination of fundamentalists tendencies in religion and politics.
EN
The article identifies the role of diaspora in the development of Ukraine’s tech sector. It presents a review of the literature on diaspora in order to deepen understanding of the term and how diaspora differs from migration. It looks at other countries in which diaspora communities played a key role in economic development and applies these findings to legitimise, the analysis of Ukraine. To learn more about the undertakings of those in the diaspora as well as their motives as they apply to Ukraine’s tech sector, empirical studies were conducted in the form of in-depth interviews. The results show that the diaspora contributes in numerous dimensions of Ukraine’s economic development, including the tech sector. The main motive of activities distinguishing diaspora from non-Ukrainian entrepreneurs is the sense of responsibility those who have gone forth feel for Ukraine’s well-being.
PL
Celem artykułu jest określenie roli diaspory w rozwoju przemysłu technologicznego na Ukrainie. Dokonany przegląd literatury pozwolił na lepsze zrozumienie terminu „diaspora” oraz wskazanie różnic pomiędzy tym pojęciem a pojęciem migracji. Podano przykłady państw, w których rozwoju gospodarczym diaspora odegrała kluczową rolę, co potwierdziło zasadność analizy tego zjawiska na Ukrainie. W celu opisania działań diaspory w sektorze technologicznym na Ukrainie oraz określenia ich motywów przeprowadzone zostały badania empiryczne w formie pogłębionego wywiadu z kluczowym informatorem. Wyniki badań wskazują na to, że wkład diaspory jest obecny w wielu dziedzinach rozwoju gospodarczego Ukrainy, w tym w sektorze technologicznym. Motyw podejmowania przedsięwzięć, który odróżnia diasporę od przedsiębiorców spoza Ukrainy, to poczucie odpowiedzialności za dobrobyt swojego kraju pochodzenia.
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