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EN
The article is divided into two main parts. It refers to selected data on hate crimes recorded in Poland and Police effectiveness while preventing, investigating and combatting it. Based on available sources, there is no problem with extremist activity on a large-scale in Poland nowadays, but for sure there is an urgent one with the increasing number of hate-motivated incidents, both with their social impact. Awareness-raising and educational campaigns that aim at prompting respect for human rights and tolerance for diversity are very needed in this matter. Also, law enforcement agencies, including the police, play a key role while tackling racism and bias. Uncontrolled and unpunished manifestation of hate, both with the lack of appropriate and unequivocal state response to such incidents, also quiet, social approval to hate-motivated behaviours, seem to be the main components of extreme movements growing. Thus, the main aim of the article has been to describe the phenomenon of hatemotivated incidents that were reported in Poland within past years and to diagnose Polish police officers’ skills, knowledge and qualification in this field, together with qualitative analyses of accessible training programmes. Selected terms (racism, discrimination, intolerance, xenophobia and hate speech) and symbols (the Celtic Cross, the SS-Totenkopf and the Triskele) that promote hate were defined (part 1) both with police officers’ identification accuracy. Research results presented in this article were gathered by using variety of methods and techniques, both theoretical and empirical (part 2). The data that refers to police competence in the context of preventing, investigating and combatting hate crimes was mainly collected as a part of a doctoral research conducted by the author in 2012–2014.
PL
Przyczynami zainteresowania mową nienawiści1 w niniejszym artykule były: istotność tej kategorii dla polskiego dyskursu publicznego drugiej dziesiątki lat 20. XXI w.; brak zgody co do tego, jakie zjawiska wchodzą w jej zakres; postulowanie sformułowania prawnej, ustawowej definicji tego wyrażenia. Nadrzędnym celem artykułu było uchwycenie momentu rozszerzania znaczenia wyrażenia mowy nienawiści, rozpoznanie tendencji decydujących o tym procesie i ocena zasadności postulatów uczynienia MN terminem prawnym. Realizacja tego celu artykułu została oparta na analizie tekstów mieszczących się w nurcie dyskursu antydyskryminacyjnego, ponieważ największy wpływ na rozszerzenie znaczenia mowy nienawiści mają podmioty zaangażowane w ochronę praw mniejszości (w tym szczególnie w ochronę praw mniejszości seksualnych). Opis tego pozaprawnego sposobu rozumienia mowy nienawiści uporządkowano, biorąc pod uwagę perspektywy: lingwistyczną, socjologiczną i psychologiczną. Wyłoniono charakterystyki MN, które zdaniem podmiotów zaangażowanych w obronę praw mniejszości, decydują o włączeniu dyskursu homofobicznego w zakres MN oraz te, które decydują o wyróżnieniu przykładów mowy nienawiści w polu przemocy symbolicznej, której źródłem są pogarda lub nienawiść. Dokonano weryfikacji możliwości wykorzystywania określenia MN w nieoczywistych kontekstach i postulatu uczynienia go terminem prawnym. Biorąc pod uwagę to, że poszerzenie pozaprawnego sposobu rozumienia MN nie musi równać się penalizacji wszystkich jej odsłon, oraz interferencje zachodzące między prawnym a pozaprawnym sposobem rozumienia MN – postulaty uczynienia MN terminem prawnym uznano zabezzasadne. Wykazano także, że sytuacja mniejszości podlegających szeroko rozumianej mowie nienawiści jest uwzględniana w rzeczywistości prawnej, gdy zachodzi balans między byciem mniejszością i byciem wystarczająco dużą/zauważalną mniejszością.
EN
The reasons for exploring hate speech in this article were: the significance of this category in the Polish public discourse in the second decade of the 21st century; lack of consensus as to what phenomenon it falls within the scope of this category; a need for a legal, statutory definition of this term. The main aims of the article were to capture the moment when the meaning of the notion of hate speech broadened, to discover factors determining this broadening, and to assess the validity of a postulate to make hate speech a legal term. To realize the research objectives a selection of texts representing anti-discrimination discourse was analysed as the greatest impact on the broadening of the meaning of hate speech is wielded by entities involved in the protection of minority rights (in particular the rights of sexual minorities). The characteristics of this non-legal understanding of hate speech are listed, taking into account a linguistic, a sociological and a psychological perspective. The article distinguishes the characteristics of hate speech that – according to the entities involved in the defence of minority rights – are decisive for the inclusion of homophobic discourse within the scope of hate speech. It also discusses those features that are decisive for the identification of cases of hate speech in the field of symbolic violence, caused by contempt or hatred. Taking into account the fact that broadening the non-legal understanding of hate speech does not have to imply penalizing all its manifestations, and allowing for diverse interferences between the legal and the non-legal understanding of hate speech, the postulate of turning this concept into a legal term was found unjustified. It was also shown that when there is a balance between being a minority and being a sufficiently large/visible minority, broadly understood hate speech is taken into account in the legislative reality.
EN
Fake news is false, manipulative information that spreads rapidly on the Internet, especially on social networking sites. It mainly deals with controversial topics, such as escape or migration. It is because of such false information treated by its recipients as true that refugees are suspected of, among other things, violence, thefts or obtaining additional benefits from the receiving community. The article discusses selected fake news about refugees in order to show how easy it is to be manipulated on the Internet. The main aim of fake news is to arouse negative emotions in recipients and to incite them to feel hatred and to be violent towards refugees.
EN
Background: Hate speech is a very important problem nowadays. One can meet it in one’s immediate surroundings (conversations with friends), the media, the Internet, or in the so-called public space (for example, inscriptions on the walls). One form of hate speech is online hate speech, which, together with certain other phenomena, is referred to as hejt in the Polish language. The authors of the article focus on presenting online hate speech in relation to various age and social groups. Objectives: The aim of the article is to present the phenomenon of hate speech on the web and its impact on the safety of Internet users. Methods: The article uses basic theoretical and empirical methods. Content published on the Internet is analyzed and case studies are described. Interviews with experts (psychologists, police officers, sociologists, media and hate speech specialists) were also conducted and their views are presented. Conclusions: In the discussion about hate speech, prevention is extremely important. According to the authors, broad prevention consisting of professionally prepared content, enriched with film materials, presented by an expert or a trained teacher, should be included in the core curriculum of schools as one of the mandatory issues raised during the lessons.
EN
The article is divided into two main parts. It refers to selected data on hate crimes recorded in Poland and Police effectiveness regarding preventing, investigating and combating such kinds of crimes. Based on available sources there is no problem with extremist activity in a large-scale in Poland nowadays, but for sure there is an urgent one with the increasing number of hatemotivated incidents, both with its social impact. Awareness-raising and educational campaigns that aim at promoting respect for human rights and tolerance for diversity are much needed in this matter. Also, law enforcement agencies, including Police, play a key role while tackling racism and bias. An uncontrolled and unpunished manifestation of hate, both with the lack of an appropriate and unequivocal state response to such incidents, also quiet, social approval to hate-motivated behaviours, seem to be the main components of extreme movements growing. Thus, the main aim of the article was to describe the phenomenon of hate-motivated incidents that were reported in Poland within the past years and to diagnose Polish police officers’ skills, knowledge and qualification in this field, both qualitative analyses of accessible training programmes. Selected terms (racism, discrimination, intolerance, xenophobia and hate speech) and symbols (the Celtic Cross, the SS-Totenkopf and the Triskele) that promote hate were defined (part 1) both with Police officers’ identification accuracy. Research results presented in this article were gathered by using a variety of methods and techniques, both theoretical and empirical (part 2). The data that refers to Police competence in the context of preventing, investigating and combating hate crimes was mainly collected as a part of a doctoral research conducted by the author in 2012–2014.
6
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Content available

Mowa nienawiści

100%
Poradnik Językowy
|
2020
|
vol. 773
|
issue 4
60-70
EN
Hate speech is an object of interest among representatives of various disciplines. Sociology describes it as discrimination of the social groups in which one is a member regardless of their will. Hate speech is defi ned similarly from the angle of political correctness. Communication ethics treats hate speech as a variety of communication violence and an element of the exclusion strategy. Due to the legal consequences of using hate speech, linguistic criteria for recognising it are necessary. They are proposed by Jadwiga Linde-Usiekniewicz, who draws on the relevance theory. A thorough assessment of the utterance or statement categorised as hate speech requires, however, an analysis of a broader situational context.
EN
This paper considers the problem of the expression of hatred on the Internet, especially with regard to the issues of personal safety. An attempt is made to determine the reasons for the use of hate speech and to assess its various consequences. Having analysed a number of definitions of the term hate speech, the author refers to several pieces of research into the subject. Furthermore, the author, on the basis of existing sources, assesses the scale of the phenomenon, as well as the extent to which it constitutes a hazard to personal security. Finally, legal actions that may potentially be introduced are considered, as well as are the possibilities for countering hate speech on the Internet.
EN
Background: Hate speech is a very important problem nowadays. One can meet it in one’s immediate surroundings (conversations with friends), the media, the Internet, or in the so-called public space (for example, inscriptions on the walls). One form of hate speech is online hate speech, which, together with certain other phenomena, is referred to as hejt in the Polish language. The authors of the article focus on presenting online hate speech in relation to various age and social groups. Objectives: The aim of the article is to present the phenomenon of hate speech on the web and its impact on the safety of Internet users. Methods: The article uses basic theoretical and empirical methods. Content published on the Internet is analyzed and case studies are described. Interviews with experts (psychologists, police officers, sociologists, media and hate speech specialists) were also conducted and their views are presented. Conclusions: In the discussion about hate speech, prevention is extremely important. According to the authors, broad prevention consisting of professionally prepared content, enriched with film materials, presented by an expert or a trained teacher, should be included in the core curriculum of schools as one of the mandatory issues raised during the lessons.
EN
Hate speech is defined as verbal abuse against minority groups. Its emotional basis is contempt which activates anger and revulsion. Therefore, it seems to be justified to speak of “contempt speech and hate speech” as a spreading social phenomenon, in effect resulting in a generalised deterioration in attitudes toward minorities. The media and public figures play a huge role in promoting hate speech, and it is also fostered by the sense of danger accompanying the COVID-19 pandemic. In order to stop this process, we should start to perceive hate speech as a serious social problem, the conditions and consequences of which should be the subject of reflection and scientific studies.
EN
The aim of the study was to present the main threats related to the use of the Internet by the Polish youth and to analyse them with particular emphasis on issues related to hate speech. Using the Internet, apart from its undoubted usability, brings with it a number of threats, among which are: malware (including spyware, ransomware, “crypto-miners” and adware), invasion of privacy (both by private individuals (stalking) and advertising companies), phishing, spam, hate speech, paedophilia, human trafficking, cyber-bullying, and, less frequently, targeted attacks. According to the survey, nearly 70% of the respondents encountered threats on the Internet. The phenomenon of hate speech affects 37% of respondents who fell victim to it and 18% who practised hate speech.
11
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Wstęp

100%
EN
IntroductionIntroduction to the 15th issue of Adeptus: Hate speech and symbolic violence in Central-Eastern Europe in the 21st century WstępWstęp do 15 numeru czasopisma „Adeptus”: Mowa nienawiści i przemoc symboliczna w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w XXI wieku
EN
Hate Speech as an Object of Research: Hate-Fuelled Communication Practices in Media DiscourseHate speech is currently an issue discussed in many scientific disciplines and is one of the threads of linguistic research conducted at the Department of Intercultural Glottopedagogy at the Institute of Applied Linguistics, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Since 2014, the Department has been involved in the RADAR project (Regulating Anti-Discrimination and Anti-Racism), conducted in cooperation with other European universities and public institutions, and co-financed by the European Commission. The aim of this article is to present partial results of empirical research conducted under the project, including a catalogue of hate-oriented communication practices in media discourse. Mowa nienawiści jako przedmiot badań. Praktyki komunikacyjne nacechowane nienawiścią w dyskursie medialnymObecnie mowa nienawiści stanowi zagadnienie omawiane w wielu dyscyplinach naukowych, w tym jest również jednym z wątków badań językoznawczych prowadzonych w Zakładzie Glottopedagogiki Interkulturowej, działającym w ramach Instytutu Lingwistyki Stosowanej na Uniwersytecie im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Od 2014 roku w zakładzie tym prowadzono w kooperacji z innymi europejskimi uniwersytetami oraz instytucjami publicznymi projekt RADAR (Regulating Anti-Discrimination and Anti-Racism), współfinansowany przez Komisję Europejską. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie częściowych wyników badań empirycznych prowadzonych w ramach tego projektu, do których należy katalog praktyk komunikacyjnych nacechowanych nienawiścią w dyskursie medialnym.
PL
Niniejszy tekst jest raportem z badań nad wybranymi aspektami kryzysu demokracji w Polsce. Problem analizy koncentruje się na pytaniach o stosunek uczestników sporu politycznego do przeciwników, możliwości (i sposobu) osiągnięcia porozumienia oraz oceny sytuacji. Obszar analizy wybrałem, traktując media społecznościowe jako przejrzystą platformę do sporu politycznego (szczególnie podczas pandemii SARS-CoV-2). Istotą badania było znalezienie respondentów wyraźnie zaangażowanych w spór polityczny. Autor wskazał portal Facebook między innymi dlatego, że platforma ta tworzy miejsce dla wielu aktywnie działających grup tematycznych, skupiających zwolenników poszczególnych opcji politycznych. Fakt ten ułatwia dotarcie do respondentów o preferowanych cechach. Badanie przeprowadzono w okresie od 13.12.2020 r. Do 25.01.2021 r. Na podstawie autorskiego formularza składającego się z 15 pytań. Próba badawcza liczy 220 respondentów: 126 kobiet i 94 mężczyzn w wieku od 14 do 72 lat. Odpowiednio do charakteru zmiennych i liczebności próby obliczono współczynnik kontyngencji i test Kruskala-Wallisa oraz istotność statystyczną uzyskanych wyników. Wszystkie analizy wykonano w oparciu o oprogramowanie SPSS w wersji 26 i Microsoft Excel.
EN
This text is a report from research on selected aspects of the crisis of democracy in Poland. The problem of the analysis focuses on questions about the attitude of the participants in the political dispute towards opponents, the possibility (and method) of reaching an agreement and the assessment of the situation. I chose the area of analysis considering social media a transparent platform for political dispute (especially during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic). The essence of the research was to find respondents clearly involved in the political dispute. I choose Facebook, among the other things, because this platform creates a place of many actively operating thematic groups which gathers supporters of particular political options. This fact facilitate reaching respondents with the preferred characteristics. The survey was conducted in the period 13/12/2020 to 25/01/2021 on the basis of the author’s form consisting of 15 questions. The research sample consists of 220 respondents: 126 women and 94 men aged 14 to 72 years old. Appropriately for the nature of the variables and the sample size, the contingency coefficient and the Kruskal-Wallis test were calculated, together with the statistical significance of the obtained results. All analyzes were performed on the basis of SPSS software version 26 and Microsoft Excel.
EN
This article employs selected, basic theories of intergroup relations to examine and interpret the anti-Polish sentiments after the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom. It argues these theories have a universal utility for analyzing and explaining inter-group conflicts in multiracial and multicultural societies. The value of this article lies in applying a novel combination of theories to study these sentiments; it also critically reflects on the existing literature regarding the intergroup relations.
Avant
|
2019
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
77-88
EN
In the philosophy of liberalism, freedom of speech is one of the fundamental rights of the individual, one that is guaranteed by the constitution of a liberal democratic state. Contemporary Western democracies are based on the political culture in which human rights, including the right to free speech, play an important role. This right, however, can be violated by demagogic propaganda both in totalitarian regimes and in democracies. The propaganda mechanism, reaching into the sphere of community values and concepts, presently operates also through the Internet, in which expressions of anger and hatred are disseminated and can lead to the destruction of democracy. I will argue that, in today’s world, restrictions on the freedom of speech through legal norms are necessary, because the threat comes not only in the form of censorship, but also the manipulation techniques used by politicians in democratic regimes. Advances in modern technology can be of service to dictatorship when the media and the Internet are used for propaganda or surveillance purposes, but they also provide a support to freedom and democracy when they serve as the means of the transmission of reliable information, initiating public discussions. As such, they establish a framework for rational debates and peaceful activities that contribute to the maintenance of the democratic political culture. The basic elements of this culture, i.e. legal rules, pluralist media, and education systems are all necessary for the defence of its core value, namely the freedom of speech.
16
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Hate Speech in Media Discourse

88%
EN
This article is an attempt to seek answers to the question of whether so-called hate speech in the media constitutes a reporting of facts and reflects real social and cultural life or pursues other aims, for example: the persuasive and manipulative creation of a desired reality innate in the functioning of a commercial and persuasive media. The author attempts from the axiological perspective of the media, as well as from the semiological and linguistic perspectives, to answer the question of what the role of media language is in shaping and promoting real attitudes of hostility and hatred, and conversely, how cultural and media tendencies shape hate speech in the media. The author does not analyse the material aspect of language, but rather tries to look critically at certain trends shaping new forms of media language that bear negative values.
EN
According to Art. 196 of the Polish Penal Code of 1997, anyone who offends the religious feelings of others by publicly profaning an object of religious worship or a place dedicated to the public celebration of religious rites is liable to a fine, the restriction of liberty or imprisonment for up to two years. This provision is criticized in the scientific and journalistic debate. It is proposed to be deleted. The aim of the article is to review the most important arguments for and against the use of criminal sanctions for offending religious feelings, as well as an attempt to answer the question whether the state should punish this type of behavior and how to properly justify it in a contemporary pluralistic, liberal society.
EN
The article analyses Polish newspapers and weeklies dealing with the death of President Paweł Adamowicz and related events in Gdansk. The press material is viewed from the perspective of strategic places in a press text, which make it possible to determine the strategies of presenting events by various press titles, the manner of portraying the deceased, and the degree of emotionality and to indicate elements of the rhetoric of hatred in press releases. Relevant analyses are preceded by observations regarding hate speech and death in the media.
PL
W artykule poddano analizie polskie dzienniki i tygodniki traktujące o śmierci prezydenta Gdańska Pawła Adamowicza i wydarzeniach z nią związanych. Oglądu materiału prasowego dokonano z perspektywy miejsc strategicznych w tekście prasowym, co pozwoliło ustalić strategie przedstawiania wydarzeń przez różne tytuły, sposób portretowania zmarłego, stopień emocjonalności oraz wskazać elementy retoryki nienawiści w przekazach prasowych. Właściwe analizy zostały poprzedzone obserwacjami dotyczącymi języka agresji i śmierci w mediach.
PL
The author reveals the existance of such kind of hate speech as lооkism in the Ukrainian language. For these purposes the data of lexicographical sources has been analyzed. Diff erent manifestations of lookism in the Ukrainian language system have been described, among them: the lexemes and idioms (including proverbs and sayings) that name the peculiarities of a person’s appearance and have axiological connotative components in their meanings. Special attention has been paid to the usage labels and examples given in the defi nitions from dictionaries. Besides, the author emphasizes the importance of dictionaries as a means of fi xation, preservation and transmission of social values, including the discriminatory attitudes.
20
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Politically correct hate speech

88%
EN
In the paper we discuss the reasons behind a specific permissiveness of the Polish judicial authorities with regard to hate speech. Hate speech is criminalized by various provisions of the Polish Criminal Code. But as conducted surveys and statistics show, these regulations do not seem to be used adequately. The acceptance of hate speech does not necessarily result from the fact that we are a less tolerant society, but also to a large extent, from the fact that the scope of what is allowed to be said, especially publicly, is in Poland very broad. Paradoxically, it seems that in this ‘new democracy’ there is more freedom of speech than in Western countries, where political correctness plays a very important role in public and social life. The lack of responsibility that goes with freedom of speech and of boundaries on what might be expressed in public, the scurrilous language used also by high-ranking officials, influence the rules of socially acceptable behaviour. These rules also influence the scope of what is considered criminal behaviour. When tackling the problem of the acceptance of hate speech, it is also very important to remember that legal acts, especially criminal law, might not necessarily be the best way to change the attitudes in a society. Restrictions on freedom of speech might not only have a freezing effect but also be counterproductive – that which it is prohibited to say tends to be said more. The problem is to strike the right balance between those two possible outcomes.
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