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Social genealogy of the Polish intelligentsiaThe text is a reprint of the second chapter of Józef Chałasiński’s essay Social genealogy of the Polish intelligentsia, originally published in 1946. Społeczna genealogia inteligencji polskiejTekst jest przedrukiem drugiego rozdziału eseju Józefa Chałasińskiego pt. Społeczna genealogia inteligencji polskiej, pierwotnie opublikowanego w 1946 roku.
EN
The paper addresses the issue of the role, which intelligentsia, a specific social group to be encountered in Eastern Europe only, is to play within the field of social dialogue. The author argues that intelligentsia still has a capacity to make impact on the processes of social dialogue due to possessing adequate level of culture capital, which other influential social groups, including the entrepreneurs, lack. Intelligentsia should be, thus, regarded a principal actor in Polish society.
EN
This paper displays the birth of the Russian intelligentsia and demonstrates the differences between educated people and members of the intelligentsia. It proves that each member of the intelligentsia is educated, while not every educated person is a member of the intelligentsia. Such a person needs to be fanatically devoted to the idea of the emancipation of the people, which is followed by atheists. The paper distinguishes the Russian intelligentsia and the Polish intelligentsia. It discovers the destructiveness of the intelligentsia based on the Gnostic-Manichaean foundation. It emphasizes the anti-worldness of the secularization of religious beliefs and ideas which are averse to the world as such. It proves that the Russian idea of the world transformation is motivated by destructive desires: hatred towards life, towards existence in bodily and physical mortal life. The author of the paper proves that the response to the destructive potential of the idea of the absolute world transformation triggered the beginnings of the Russian religious rebirth – the return to the metahistorical dimension of the Russian idea.
EN
Aim: The article seeks to document an episode from the history of Prof. Halina Taborska’s many academic achievements, namely the Institute of European Culture at the Higher School of Humanities (later the Academy of Humanities) in Pułtusk, from the perspective of management sciences in the field of humanities. Methods: The article is an autoetnographic paper in which documents from the author’s private archives were analyzed. As the Deputy Director of the Institute, he was both the originator of and the witness to the events described. Results: We get a picture of a specific area of the educational practice in Mazovia in the years 1999–2006. We witness the efforts undertaken by Prof. Taborska, the Institute Director, to build a high-quality academic institution of an international reach where education was provided in the field of applied cultural studies by combining didactics with research, seminars, conferences and exhibition activities. Conclusions: An insight into a little-known fact from the history of the formation of non-state academic education outside the main educational centers in Poland after 1989. It proves it was possible to establish – in a completely new organizational environment and in the country – an institution having an international reach. It operated thanks to the efforts of a teaching personality which grew looking up to strong and intelligentsia role models.
EN
The intelligentsia and the Holocaust. Dispersing the imageThis paper in the field of cultural memory studies addresses the workings of memory, or more precisely – a politics of memory whereby the image of the intelligentsia and its role in the Holocaust vanishes from the collective consciousness. The relative visibility of peasants denouncing Jews, murdering them and plundering their property is accompanied by an invisibility of the intelligentsia and its essential role in reinforcing the exclusion and antisemitic patterns of behavior before the Holocaust which facilitated direct involvement in these events, as well as an invisibility of the intelligentsia’s own participation in the events of the Holocaust. Inteligencja i Zagłada. Rozpraszanie obrazuTekst z zakresu badań nad pamięcią kulturową dotyczy pracy pamięci, a właściwie polityki pamięci, w której ramach ze społecznej świadomości znika obraz inteligencji i jej roli podczas Zagłady. Względnej widzialności chłopskiego wydawania Żydów, ich mordowania i grabienia towarzyszy niewidzialność inteligencji i jej kluczowej roli w reprodukowaniu wykluczenia i wzorów antysemickich poprzedzających Zagładę i umożliwiających bezpośrednie zaangażowanie w wydarzenia, a także jej własnego udziału w Zagładzie.
EN
Intelligentsia biographies in Belarus. A case studyDrawing on a case study from the body of empirical research which includes 30 narrative interviews conducted using Fritz Schuetze’s biographical method with male and female residents of Belarus, the author explores the process of Belarusian identity formation of a Belarusian-speaking dissenting intellectual. The case study is drawn from the author’s research into the ways in which Belarusian-speaking intellectuals (the group locating itself in opposition to the establishment by the very recourse to the literary Belarusian language of instruction and everyday life as well as other dissenting identity markers) conceptualize and hone their national identity. One can trace the path towards fully-fledged Belarusian identity which unrolls via turning points, thanks to significant others through participation in intelligentsia circles. One of the membership rules in the social world of intelligentsia is the use of the high-profile Belarusian language. The interpretive analysis is set against the backdrop of the socio-linguistic situation in contemporary Belarus with its authoritarian regime, advanced Russification, contested memory field, restrained memory work and conflicting historical and national discourses.
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Drawing on a case study from the body of empirical research which includes 30 narrative interviews conducted using Fritz Schuetze’s biographical method with male and female residents of Belarus, the author explores the process of Belarusian identity formation of a Belarusian-speaking dissenting intellectual. The case study is drawn from the author’s research into the ways in which Belarusian-speaking intellectuals (the group locating itself in opposition to the establishment by the very recourse to the literary Belarusian language of instruction and everyday life as well as other dissenting identity markers) conceptualize and hone their national identity. One can trace the path towards fully-fledged Belarusian identity which unrolls via turning points, thanks to significant others through participation in intelligentsia circles. One of the membership rules in the social world of intelligentsia is the use of the high-profile Belarusian language. The interpretive analysis is set against the backdrop of the socio-linguistic situation in contemporary Belarus with its authoritarian regime, advanced Russification, contested memory field, restrained memory work and conflicting historical and national discourses.
EN
The concept of ‘soul’ has for ages been a widespread and central category in the Russian national tradition, one through which the Russians seek to express their way of feeling and of comprehending their own community, territory, sense of existence, place and mission in the world. Thus, Russia is often treated as the ‘soul of the world,’ whereas her central power – actual (real) or potential (expected) – as the ‘soul of Russia.’ One of the consequences of the transformation over the last few centuries, symbolised by the name of Peter I, has been the emergence and rise of the Russian intelligentsia, perceived there, and perceiving itself, as at once an intellectual, cultural, ethical, social, political, ideological, historiosophical, and even quasi-sacral formation. In many ideas of the representatives of the Russian educated class the motif of ‘Russia’s soul,’ capable of reviving, revitalising and of transforming the existing reality, is associated namely with the intelligentsia. It is possible to find in them – even in those programmatically antisystemic and radically occidental – a whole array of features, structures and content typical of the Russian mental-cultural system, together with ways of perceiving, conceptualizing and problematizing the world – such that is, paradoxically, shared with the ideologies and supporters of the existing social order.
EN
Within the search for the roots of the Russian anarchistic movements, the study deals with the early aristocratic intelligentsia during the reign of Catherine II and Alexander I. Based on a biographic summary of the activity and analyses of the work of the writer of Catherine’s time Alexander Nikolayevich Radishchev and the participant of the Dekabrist movement at the beginning of the 19th century Nikolay Ivanovich Turgenev, the aim of the study is to prove the existence of the forming class of the intelligentsia and its clear influence on the subsequent Russian social or liberal movements, including the anarchists. The study points out mainly the problematic issue of serfdom, the critique of this phenomenon and the effort for its abolition. The question of serfdom is shown in the study as a theme, which most connected the early Russian intelligentsia and the anarchistic movement.
EN
Focus of this article is on the way historians and researchers understand perhaps the most important intellectuals of the era of the rule of Tsarina Catherine the Great – Alexander Nikolayevich Radishchev. The article goes in depth in its analysis of the standpoints of the most influential academic authors of the 20th century towards Radishchev. Based on the academic acclaim of his persona and Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow, his renowned work, the article ponders upon whether his example can be used to illustrate the pattern of historiographic approach towards Russian intelligentsia as such or whether he stands out unprecedented to such a degree as a persona of Russian cultural and social history that no such general claims can be proposed. The study also debates whether the status of Radishchev amongst the Russian intelligentsia is justifiable based on his opinions or whether it comes as a product of Soviet historiography that brought upon Radishchev the profane title of “the first Russian revolutionary”.
EN
In this paper we analyze the nascent years of the Polish public sphere during the years before and after the 1905 Revolution. We assert that it was a moment of clash between, on the one hand, the intelligentsia and its de facto bourgeois vision of politics, and on the other a rising proletarian counter-public. The popular unrest initiated a massive upsurge of workers into the process of mass politics. As we argue, this situation shocked the elites, attached to their utopian vision of the Polish people, “enlightened” from above by the intelligentsia. Consequently, their reaction was ambivalent, if not reluctant. The intelligentsia’s attitude was growingly tainted with a conservative fear of the masses, which inhibited the development of plebeian constituencies and forms of political articulation. This posed a cornerstone for the future layering of the public sphere, leading to what we call its pathogenesis. It produced outcomes lasting for years, as well as a general contempt towards democratic demands resulting in the impossibility of collective bargaining about popular economic interests.
EN
The article is a review of an extensive, two-volume collection of Miłosz’s statements entitled Rosja. Widzenia transoceaniczne [Russia: Tran­soceanic Views]. The reviewer, apart from a standard presentation and evaluation of the published work, attempts to discover a deeper sense of the decision to publish, “here and now”, Miłosz’s statements on Russian issues. The collection, which rounds up previously unknown texts written between 1936 and 2004, makes it possible to understand Miłosz’s writings on Russia as a continuation of Marian Zdziechowski’s essays written between the wars, where uncompromising denunciation of the “Eastern peril” was combined with deep respect and sympathy for a Russia that was not imperial.
EN
This article attempts to present, summarize and develop an essay Witaj bracie, pisać bardzo trudno (Hello brother, it is very difficult to write). The essay under scrutiny was devoted to the reception of changes in public discourse by Russian intellectuals after the occupation of Crimea. The following features were the most important ones: diagnosing anomie, shock, caused by an unexpected cultural change; weak presence of pro-European rhetoric in the messages of authors considered to be pro-Western (occidentalists); stigmatization of intellectuals (restoration of the category of “fifth column and traitors of the nation”), as well as their self-stigmatization (recalling the nineteenthcentury category of “superfluous man”); historical references to the times of Tsar Nicholas I and Leonid Brezhnev (no references to the Stalinist period, which will appear after 2015); replacement of the term “public opinion” with the “mass-media effect”; belief in degradation, social demoralization, which would result from the determinism of the “Russian way”; restoration of the Russian intelligentsia category. Finally, an attempt was made to present new determinants of social dynamics influencing the change in the Russian journalists’ discourse that intensified after the year 2015.
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The article deals with the analysis of the sociocultural changes in the Belarusian society in the second half of the XIX – beginning of the XX century, when Belarus stood at the crossroads of the different civilizations and cultures. The author pays special attention to the processes of the widening of literacy among the Belarusians, formation of the intellectual elites and premises of the ethnocultural emancipation of the Belarusians in the conditions when the society had just taken first steps from the traditional culture towards modernity. The special features that distinguish the development of the mentioned processes on the territory of Belarus were emphasized.
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The article concerns Poles - lower officials of the administration of the Russian Empire in the nineteenth century. The initial thesis of the sketch is the belief that work in administration has a fundamental impact on family relationships, deconstruction of activities, and family separation of officials lasting many years. The source of the article is manuscript epistolography and memorial sources of impoverished noble families: Doliński and Łazarowicz. In the article, I analyze reasons for choosing work in administration, the reality of office work; I also ask about the identity of family members who have dispersed as a result of choosing to work in the Russian administration.
PL
This article seeks to answer the question of whether the local conditions or determinants influence the socio-political language. Within the context of the nationwide discourse in the nineteenth-century Kingdom of Poland, an analysis follows how the concept of ‘intelligentsia’ functioned in the local press from the industrial city of Łódź. A source analysis leads to the conclusion that in the specific circumstances, of which the social mix was a constituent, certain notions of a defined meaning in the countrywide context may be interpreted in a manner divergent from the rule. As the social structure of Łódź was becoming more and more similar to that of Warsaw and other big cities, the differences in the definitions of the term ‘intelligentsia’ were gradually smoothening out.
PL
As part of the modernisation process, the authorities of major European countries ascribed to teachers of people’s schools the role of educating the lower strata of society (inhabitants of villages, manual workers, etc.). Similarly, they put this professional group in charge of the realisation of the hidden purpose of state education: shaping subjects so that they would accept the social and political order. Given their required education and the social tasks they undertook, it was assumed folk teachers would be associated with opinion-forming groups and the intelligentsia. However, in fact, for a long time, they were denied belonging to either of these groups. During the long nineteenth century, they had to struggle with a negative reception of their efforts in those circles in which the school and the teacher were perceived as unnecessary institutions. In most regions of Central Europe, for example in Austrian Silesia, thanks to the improvements of the professional competencies of the teachers and their dedication in fulfilling their obligations, both at school and outside it, the teachers and their organisations were successful in changing this perception of them. They were also actively involved in the political activities of various national camps. Nevertheless, in most official institutions, they were not the ones making the most important decisions concerning elementary education. At the same time, however, without their cooperation, none of the educational and social plans would have been implemented in practice.Thanks to their participation in the public life of local communities, especially rural ones, over time they became the new opinion-formers, playing the role of an intelligentsia that works among the people. They were not only elementary education specialists, but also pedagogues, activity-inspirers for the adult inhabitants, and experts in dealing with all kinds of situations and emergency issues.
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The turn of the 20th century, especially the time from the Polish Revolution of 1905 until the First World Was, is perceived in the Kingdom of Poland as a moment of searching for a new form of patriotism and Polishness by the Polish intelligentsia. It was a time of developing the national awareness and its spread from the local to the national domain. The present paper attempts to look at this search and these processes through the prism of journalistic discussions led by the Polish intelligentsia in Lodz. Apart from the intelligentsia’s postulates and reflections, the author is going to demonstrate specific signs of their activities, and cultural and social initiatives, which at the time were supposed to encourage and maintain Polishness in the city of Lodz, where the German and Jewish population played an important role (not only in terms of the economy). This historical analysis is also an attempt at determining the extent to which the intelligentsia in Lodz introduced original and innovative elements, stemming mainly from the industrial nature of the city, to the national patriotic debates.
PL
Przełom XIX i XX wieku, a zwłaszcza okres po rewolucji 1905–1907 roku do wybuchu I wojny światowej uznawany jest w Królestwie Polskim za moment poszukiwania przez środowiska polskiej inteligencji nowej formuły patriotyzmu, polskości, za czas poszerzania świadomości narodowej, przechodzenia od jej lokalnego do ogólnonarodowego wymiaru. W proponowanym tekście podjęta zostanie próba przyjrzenia się tym poszukiwaniom i procesom przez pryzmat dyskusji publicystycznych prowadzonych przez inteligentów polskich w Łodzi. Prócz postulatów i rozważań ukazane zostaną także konkretne przejawy ich działań, inicjatywy kulturalne i społeczne mające w tamtym czasie służyć pobudzeniu i utrzymaniu polskości w mieście, gdzie znaczącą rolę (nie tylko ekonomiczną) odgrywali przedstawiciele ludności niemieckiej i żydowskiej. Celem prowadzonej analizy historycznej jest też chęć zmierzenia się z pytaniem – w jakim stopniu przedstawiciele łódzkiej inteligencji wnosili do ogólnopolskich debat patriotycznych, narodowych wątki oryginalne i nowatorskie, wynikające przede wszystkim z industrialnego charakteru miasta?
EN
Polish intelligentsia shaped over the nineteenth century was to fulfill various tasks. One of the most important was the “state service”, implemented, among others, by working on stateowned posts. The euphoria of the independence regained in 1918 accompanied the concern for the proper organizationof a state that did not even have a nationwide government, and several political centers pretended to be in power. The country was destroyed and famished, and the borders had to be marked out by armed forces, despite the fact that there was actually no uniform army. There was no administrative apparatus that would turn economic and social-political life into peaceful work. It is not surprising that the Polish intelligentsia had an important role to play in this case, and the functioning of the state depended primarily on the number and quality of personnel it could have at its disposal. It should be noted that certainly the process of building the state and creating its apparatus have activated a fairly wide circle of professionals and activists among the intelligentsia, who did even titanic work in the difficult conditions of the interwar period, which was visible in the reconstruction and organization of the new Polish state and ensuring conditions for peaceful existence.
PL
Inteligencja polska ukształtowana na przestrzeni XIX w. miała spełniać różnorodne zadania. Jednym z najważniejszych była „służba państwowa”, realizowana między innymi poprzez pracę na państwowych etatach. Euforii z odzyskanej w 1918 r. niepodległości towarzyszyła troska o odpowiednie zorganizowanie państwa, które nie miało nawet ogólnopolskiego rządu, a kilka ośrodków politycznych pretendowało do władzy. Kraj był zniszczony i wygłodzony, a do tego granice trzeba było wytyczać drogą zbrojną, pomimo tego, że właściwie nie było jednolitej armii. Brakowało aparatu administracyjnego, który przestawiłby życie gospodarcze i społeczno-polityczne na pracę pokojową. Nic dziwnego, że polska inteligencja miała w tym przypadku do odegrania istotną rolę, a funkcjonowanie państwa zależało przede wszystkim od liczebności i jakości kadr, jakimi mogło dysponować. Należy zaznaczyć, że z pewnością proces budowy państwa oraz tworzenie jego aparatu zaktywizowały do działania dość szerokie grono fachowców i działaczy wśród inteligencji, którzy wykonywali tytaniczną wręcz pracę, w trudnych przecież warunkach dwudziestolecia międzywojennego, co było widoczne w odbudowie i organizacji nowego państwa polskiego oraz zapewnieniu warunków do pokojowej egzystencji.
EN
Landowners and intelligence are two layers of Polish society that had complemented each other and played an important role in maintaining of the Polishness in the era of partitions, and seriously contributed to regaining independence in 1918. An educated landowner, or an intellectual of landowner origin, it was often difficult to define belonging to a particular social layer. After the January Uprising, publicists were writing about gentry as “country intelligentsia”, which had to play an important role in the modernization of the Polish countryside. In the light of the previous findings of historiography, it appears that indeed the landowning environment became one of the main groups of recruitment of the Polish intelligentsia in the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century. An analysis of the sources of various provenance shows that one of the most important intellectual professional groups, to which were getting first sons and then daughters from the landowners families, were scientists. The main research problem is the attempt to characterize people of science, who had abandoned the mansions and decided to pursue a career at universities in Cracow, Lviv and Warsaw, and after independence, also Poznań, Vilnius and Lublin. This issue will be discussed both in the broader context of collective fates as well as selected individual biographies of Polish scholars on landed genealogy. An important selection criterion will be their simultaneous involvement in various political and social ventures.
PL
Ziemiaństwo i inteligencja to dwie warstwy społeczeństwa polskiego, które wzajemnie się uzupełniały i odgrywały ważną rolę w utrzymaniu polskości w dobie zaborów, oraz poważnie przyczyniły się do odzyskania niepodległości w 1918 r. Wykształcony ziemianin, czy też inteligent pochodzenia ziemiańskiego, jak trudno było nieraz określić przynależność do konkretnej warstwy społecznej. Publicyści po powstaniu styczniowym pisali wręcz o ziemiaństwie jako „inteligencji wiejskiej”, która miała odegrać istotną rolę w modernizacji wsi polskiej. W świetle dotychczasowych ustaleń historiografii wynika, iż rzeczywiście środowisko ziemiańskie stało się jedną z głównych grup rekrutacji polskiej inteligencji w drugiej połowie XIX i pierwszej połowie XX w. Analiza źródeł różnej proweniencji wskazuje, iż jedną z najważniejszych inteligenckich grup zawodowych, do której trafiali najpierw synowie, a następnie i córki z rodzin ziemiańskich, byli naukowcy. Zasadniczym problemem badawczym jest próba charakterystyki ludzi nauki, którzy porzucali dwory i decydowali się na karierę w uczelniach wpierw Krakowa, Lwowa i Warszawy, a po odzyskaniu niepodległości także Poznania, Wilna i Lublina. Zagadnienie to omówione zostanie zarówno w szerszym kontekście losów zbiorowych, jak również wybranych indywidualnych biografii uczonych polskich o ziemiańskim rodowodzie. Ważnym kryterium wyboru będzie ich jednoczesne zaangażowanie w różnych przedsięwzięciach o charakterze politycznym i społecznym.
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