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Jan Patočka: filosof jako svědomí svého národa

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The first part of the article is an interpretation of Patočka’s philosophy of history, with an emphasis on the essential connection of philosophy and a politics founding a new, historical life-form. The task of the philosopher, the model of whom is Socrates, is to question the sense of the world as hitherto given. The basic possibility of the historical person is, then, the possibility of freedom, liberation from being bound to life, and the assumption of responsibility for one’s own existence. In the modern world, however, determined as it is by the supremacy of the natural sciences, a loss of sense has taken place and there is a paradoxical return to pre-history. In the second part of the article the author concerns himself with Patočka’s reflections on Czech history arising from his philosophy of history, and with the personal relation of the philosopher Jan Patočka to his nation. The author emphasises, above all, Patočka’s distinction between the “little” and the “great histories”, that is between the historical epochs of the Hussites and the United Brethren, when the Czech nation showed it was able to take responsibility for universal ideas and its own existence, and the later and contemporary epochs when, out of fear for its own existence, it gave up freedom and its own responsibility. The author, in this connection, emphasises the urgency of the actualisation of the Hegelian dialectic of “lord and bondsman”, which Patočka’s considerations also point to, and highlights Patočka’s linking of philosophy and personal engagement in the spirit of Socrates.
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Isaak Iselin: Gesammelte Schriften 2014-2018

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The review article deals with a new comprehensive edition of the works of the Swiss Enlightenment by Isaak Iselin and his contribution to the formation of Enlightenment historiography in connection with the philosophy of history and mankind. Iselin was one of the pioneers of the thematization of the “history of mankind” (the title of his main work) and its developmental conception as the history of reason, culture, and humanity.
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Dějiny a problém zla. Hegelova teodicea

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The aim of this paper is to develop Hegel’s thesis that the philosophy of history is a theodicy. My interpretation proceeds by several steps: Firstly, I examine Hegel’s formulation of the problem of evil and show that his solution has two interconnected dimensions: theoretical and practical. Accordingly, it operates with two presuppositions: (a) history is accessible to rational inquiry, and (b) this kind of inquiry can recon­cile a man with the actual world, including existent evil. My next step is to further develop the first presupposition in the context of the thesis about reason in history, and I analyse Hegel’s peculiar understanding of “reason”. I then distinguish two ways of explaining present and past events: mechanical and teleological, and I clarify why teleological explanations are unavoidable. Within the teleological I differentiate two models: intentional and functional. This distinction is motivated by two circumstances: (1) historical agents act intentionally, and in doing so (2) they also unintentionally actualize their own nature, i.e. freedom. Subsequently, I approach the thesis about the philosophy of history as a theodicy. I contrast Hegel´s own position to moralism and fatalism. The last section gives some reasons against an instrumentalist interpretation of Hegel’s philosophy of history.
CS
Záměrem této studie je interpretovat Hegelovu tezi, že filosofie dějin je teodiceou. Interpretace postupuje v několika krocích: (1) Na příkladu Hegelovy formulace problému zla ukazuji, že jsou v ní přítomny dvě roviny: teoretická a praktická. Hegel se na jedné straně domnívá, že dějiny jsou přístupné rozumovému poznání, a na druhé straně je přesvědčen, že toto poznání může v důsledku vést ke smíření myšlení a skutečnosti, resp. člověka a světa (včetně existujícího zla). (2) Uvedené domněnky objasňuji v kontextu teze týkající se přítomnosti rozumu v dějinách, přičemž seznamuji s Hegelovou koncepcí rozumu. (3) Následně rozlišuji dva výkladové modely minulých a přítomných událostí: mechanistický a teleologický. Toto rozlišení je mj. motivováno dvěma skutečnostmi: za prvé tím, že dějinní aktéři jednají intencionálně, a za druhé tím, že v tomto svém jednání nevědomě uskutečňují svou povahu, kterou je svoboda. (4) Tezi, že filosofie dějin je teodiceou, se v dalším pokouším odstínit od moralismu a fatalismu. (5) Na závěr uvádím důvody v neprospěch instrumentalistické interpretace Hegelovy filosofie dějin.
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The paper intends to examine Eric Voegelin’s philosophy of history, distinguishing its several stages. The main thesis of the paper is that Voegelin’s philosophy of history is atypical when compared to the famous representatives of the genus. For Voegelin “meaning of history” is a perverted, ideological concept, obscuring the real relationship between man and history because man cannot grasp its “meaning” from a vantage point. Voegelin attempts to provide history rather as a “web” endowed with a “noumenal depth,” rather than the linear, “historiogenetic” history, subdued to chronology. The main characteristic of history is no longer its chronological structure but its structure of an “experience of an encounter.”
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The paper concerns an attitude towards art which is to be found in the writings of Theodor Lessing. Lessing’s reflections on art and its cultural role are presented in the context of his philosophy of history. The article is focused on the function which, according to Lessing, art fulfils in the process of creating history as well as lending credence to it. History itself is perceived by him as an arbitrary construct of Western culture, an ideological vision giving sense to the senseless.
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Rozum a dějiny u Rousseaua, Kanta a Hegela

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The aim of the article is to show in what respect Hegel’s scheme of the philosophy of history is a culmination of a development of thought whose origins we find in J.‑J. Rousseau and I. Kant. The progressive development of this conception of history is presented by way of an analysis of three motifs: of history as a transition from the natu­ral to the political state, of history as an emancipation of man by means of reason, and of history as the history of salvation. These three motifs are entangled with one another in the conception in question, and are combined in the unity of a three-part structure. The understanding of history in terms of this structure, however, brings with it a question regarding the end of history – something which demonstrates the limits of this conception of history, especially in the form which it took in Hegel.
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We would like here to contribute to lower the fracture between orthodox Marxism and heterodox Marxism, which means grosso modo: between historical materialism and the critique of value. There, of course, would be for the former a high price to pay, that of an important redefinition of the philosophy of history. But the latter also should rec-ognize that a philosophy of history is an inseparable presupposition of Wertkritik, that one has long, among heterodox Marxists, thought capable of prancing autonomously from the former.
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The major aim of the above paper was to familiarize its readers with historiosophical aspects of the beginning and development of the phenomenon of sport and tourism.
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Rev. K. Michalski is not only an outstanding mediaevalist and a pioneer of research on the achievements of the Polish Middle Ages but also the creator of an important philosophy of history, which has become a significant component of his research, especially during the dramatic period of World War II, although its framework had been developed already in the 1930s. Rejecting passive approach to tradition, he supported the creative attitude presented by Thomism. His concept of history is determined by an optimistic conviction of the constant evolution of social-cultural life of mankind towards more perfect forms.
PL
Ks. K. Michalski to wybitny mediewista, pionier badań nad dorobkiem polskiego średniowiecza, ale i twórca ważnej filozofii dziejów. Historiozofia stała się ważnym elementem jego badań zwłaszcza w dramatycznym okresie II wojny światowej, ale jej zręby stworzył już w latach trzydziestych XX w. Odrzucając bierny szacunek dla tradycji, opowiadał się za prezentowanym przez tomizm, twórczym do niej stosunkiem. Jego koncepcję dziejów wyznacza optymistyczne przekonanie o ciągłej ewolucji życia kulturalno-społecznego ludzkości ku coraz doskonalszym formom.
EN
Hegel’s history of philosophy has irreplaceable place within the whole of his philosophizing and this fact grounds its philosophical importance. It has become the organ of the self-knowing mind in time as an integral component of philosophy of objective mind. Patočka was very precise with defining four main dimensions of Hegel’s philosophy of the history of philosophy: 1. The development of philosophy is organic. Different philosophies are different stages of the same organism development. 2. The role of individuality is subordinate; it does not belong to philosophical contents. 3. Time is but a mere external milieu, a mirror of inner development in the organism of mind. Philosophy and other aspects of mind in different periods are certain manifestations of the very same stage in the development of spiritual substance. Each historical period can be expressed rationally. Time thus doesn´t have positive, content meaning. 4. Advance of philosophical systems corresponds with the logical development of thought. The crucial core of Hegel’s philosophy of the history of philosophy as Patočka identified it couldn´t be even put forward in a better way. According to Patočka, Hegel is right that history of philosophy lives a life of systematic philosophy; it reflects our systematic nature, our tendency to system. History of philosophy and philosophy itself for Patočka, as well as for Hegel, create unity – a kind of organic totality. 
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The article debates the sources of the Russian national identity, inspired by the novel by Vladimir Sorokin Day of the Oprichnik. In this dystopian fiction Sorokin depicts Russia in the third decade of the 21st century as a place where technological progress meets a return to the ancient social order, encapsulated in the system of state controlled terror called the Oprichnina. Sorokin exploits that vision to reflect upon the Oprichnina as a diabolical constant relapsing in deceptively different costumes throughout centuries of Russian history. Indeed, in various press interviews the Russian novelist asserts that the Oprichnina constitutes the very foundation of the Russian national identity.
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Arthur C. Danto’s philosophical study of history is overshadowed by his more famous texts in the area of the philosophy of art. In the current discussion on the philosophy of history it follows then that the thematization of Danto’s conception of narrative and narrative sentences predominates. The author of this article instead focuses on the retrospective character of the uncovering of the meaning of historical events by Danto and argues that not the only the meaning of the given events is historically conditioned, as Danto claims, but also the narrative through which the significance is communicated. Although Danto does not address this problem, this study aims to show that this thesis is consistent with his philosophy. Narratives and historical texts in general are representations in Danto’s sense of the word, and all representations are, in their essence, also historical. This fact is clearly revealed in Danto’s texts about art, and it is on these that the author’s argument is based.
CS
Filosofické zkoumání dějin se v díle Arthura C. Danta ocitá ve stínu jeho slavnějších textů řazených do oblasti filosofie umění. V současné diskusi o filosofii dějin pak převládá tematizování Dantova pojetí narativu a narativních vět. Autorka se namísto toho zaměřuje na retrospektivní charakter odhalování významu historických událostí prosazovaný Dantem a dovozuje, že historicky podmíněný není pouze význam daných událostí, jak tvrdí Danto, ale také samy narativy, jejichž prostřednictvím je význam sdělován. Přestože Danto tomuto problému nevěnuje pozornost, klade si tato studie za cíl ukázat, že je tato teze s Dantovou filosofií v souladu. Narativy a historické texty obecně jsou totiž reprezentacemi v Dantově smyslu slova, přičemž jsou veškeré reprezentace ze své podstaty zároveň také historické. Tato skutečnost se zřetelně odhaluje v Dantových textech o umění, o které se argumentace autorky opírá.
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O sensie historii

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History and meaningIn the translated text – selected from the samizdat volume Pojetí českých dějin (The Concept of Czech History) published in January 1986 – the author defines his position in the ongoing dispute about the meaning of Czech history. In the first part, he analyses different definitions of “meaning” and their applicability to national identity and history. Kohák argues that although history never imposes only one way of looking at it, objective facts may exclude some ways of nterpretation. Looking at Czech national history, he concludes that we should consider the existence of contradictory, yet equally important elements as its defining factor. The second part of the study focuses on the life of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and his Czechoslovak idea. Kohák defines ideal Czechoslovakia not as a national state, but a “good state”, providing all of its inhabitants with equal rights and opportunities. He also points out the dissonance between Masaryk’s idea of a just and democratic state and the heavy reliance of interwar Czechoslovakia on Czech nationalism. O sensie historiiW przełożonym tekście, pochodzącym z samizdatowego tomu Pojetí českých dějin wydanego w styczniu 1986, autor włącza się w wieloletnią debatę o sensie czeskiej historii. W pierwszej części przygląda się różnym rozumieniom pojęcia „sens” i ich zastosowaniu w odniesieniu do tożsamości narodowej i historii. Kohák stwierdza, że historia nigdy nie narzuca jednej interpretacji, ale też obiektywne fakty wykluczają pewne sposoby jej odczytywania. Przenosząc tę refleksję na dzieje Czech, autor uznaje, że szczególną wartością czeskiego losu jest istnienie w nim sprzecznych, choć tak samo wartościowych tradycji razem tworzących całość czeskiej kultury. Powołując się na życie T. G. Masaryka, Kohák definiuje idealną Czechosłowację nie jako państwo narodowe, ale „dobre państwo” zapewniające równe szanse wszystkim swoim obywatelom. Zwraca również uwagę na leżący u podstaw państwowości czechosłowackiej rozziew między masarykowską ideą państwa sprawiedliwego i demokratycznego a jego faktycznym oparciem się na siłach czeskiego nacjonalizmu.
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In 1863, the publication of Vie de Jésus makes Renan part of the movement of “desymbolisation” and secularization of sacred texts. Eliminating the notion of miracles from his writing on religion, Renan anticipates the pattern of Weber and Gauchet’s “disenchantment of the world”. It is thus by the methods of scientific analysis (eviction of miracles and psychological explications instead) that Renan is able to piece together the Messiah’s life, putting forward the idea of an organic Parousia, and making science a new religious ideal.
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The article presents an analysis of the concept of “historicity”, which seems to be crucial for the understanding of the philosophical foundations of Miłosz’s work. The poet’s intention is to find a solution for the double dilemma of modern historical imagination: on the one hand, you should not become prey to the “murderous historicité”, but on the other, human life, when totally deprived of the historical dimension, seems to be empty and worthless. Miłosz found a solution of the dilemma in Stanisław Brzozowski’s philosophy, especially in his idea of of indispensability of historical consciousness, that is of “amplification” of historicity. The paradoxical, at first sight, attempt to overcome the disastrous consequences of historical thought through amplification of historicity itself, is seen in a wider contest of 20th-century philsophical investigations (Michaił Bachtin, Martin Heidegger, Barbara Skarga). It turns out that poetic discourse is the right place for its realization.
Organon
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2019
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vol. 51
23-43
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A real fascination with Greece arose in Germany at the end of the 18th century with the works of Winckelmann, the founder of scientific archeology. The subject of this text is the German nostalgia for Greece which developed at that time in the circle of the first romanticists and among the thinkers of German idealism. The emphasis will be put on three of the most important figures of German poetry and philosophy of this period: Schiller, Hegel and Hölderlin. But it will be shown that it is only with Hölderlin that for this idealized image of Greece a new image of Greece as profoundly divided between Occident and Orient was substituted.
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The Hegelian philosophy of history constitutes the ideal picture of development of the world as the process of progress in realizing freedom. Ontological subject of history is the spirit of the world (Reason) based on freedom. History is self-reflection and selfaffirmation of the absolute spirit. The state is the social-historical, political and ethical condition of development of the mankind. The positive result of the world development assumes fulfilment of two following requirements: firstly, individuals should be governed by their own conscience and secondly, the world (state) along with its all social and political institutions should be organized and administered rationally. Thanks to fulfilment of these requirements, that is, thanks to the realization of freedom at its objective and subjective level, a development of the world will reach its culminating point. In this way also in Hegel, what J. Burckhardt proves, ‘we find the Enlightening science about the endeavour to attain perfection, and about the possibility of improvement or also about so-called progress’. Already in the first half of the XIXth century Hegel’s philosophy of history was also clearly reflected in Slovakia. First of all, the works of a prominent representative of Slovakian Hegelianism Ĺudovít Štúr (1815-1856) prove it. Similarly as Hegel also Štúr distinguishes three methods of historical research. They are as follows: ‘primitive history, understanding one and philosophical one’, but for the best method of historical dissertations he considers the philosophical method which is nothing else but only rational comprehension of history. Štúr not only cites or paraphrases individual Hegel’s views with avocation but also modifies them with the intention of using them for his needs, and he even creatively extrapolates them on the new ideological meaning planes connecting, first of all, with the problems of cultural and national life of Slavs and Slovaks. Štúr’s interpretation of Hegel’s philosophy of history is still relevant today in such a perspective despite the passage of time.
PL
Czy termin metahistoria jest powtórzeniem arystotelesowskiego gestu nazwania metafizyki? W 2023 roku mija pół wieku od pierwszego wydania słynnej książki Haydena White’a pt. Metahistory. The Historical Imagination In Nineteenth-Century Europe. Jednakże to klasyczne, dość powszechnie znane dzieło – a także jego krytyka – nie dały terminowi metahistoria życia, którym w horyzoncie terminów badawczych cieszy się choćby metafizyka.  W niniejszych rozważaniach nie chodzi mi o sentymentalne upominanie się o termin, który miałby być dziś cenny z samego tylko powodu, że niegdyś zaistniał. Raczej o próbę myślenia o ścieżce wzbogacania (prze)myślenia o wyobraźni historycznej – ta ostatnia, jak sądzę, jest kluczem dla oporu wobec współczesnych kryzysów i impasów dzisiejszej humanistyki.
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Is the term metahistory a repetition of the Aristotelian gesture of naming metaphysics? In 2023, half a century passes since the first publication of Hayden White’s famous book Metahistory. The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe. However, this classic, fairly well-known work – as well as its criticism – did not give life to the term metahistory, which in the horizon of research terms is enjoyed, for example, by metaphysics. In these considerations, I do not mean sentimental reminding about a term that would be valuable today for the sole reason that it once existed. Rather, it is an attempt to think about the path of enriching (re)thinking of the historical imagination – the latter, I believe, is the key to resisting the contemporary crises and impasses of today’s humanities.
EN
The author offers a new approach to a phenomenon of social legends of great individuals from a philosophical point of view. He starts with a presentation of his interpretation of the concept of the Platonic tradition of a divine man and a cult or hagiography of such men in the ideal Platonic state, alongside with an explanation, inspired by Platonic authors. He collates this concept and its justification (rationalization) with today’s social and political reception of axiology, in order to present it as an epiphany of higher values. He collates it also with the results of philosophical reflection on a ductility of history, in order to show it as a prototype of something real in its historical efficiency. The author ends with summary and explanation of his proposal.
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Antoni Walewski: historiozofia wyklętego lojalisty

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The aim of this article is the reconstruction and analysis of the historical and political beliefs of Antoni Walewski, Polish monarchist and conservative historian of the 19th century. In his youth, Walewski participated in the November Uprising and along with other Polish statesmen and soldiers went on exile to France, where he backed up Prince Adam J. Czartoryski and supported the controversial concept of “the kingship de facto”. According to this idea, all Poles should submit to Czartoryski (who himself was the king de facto; despite the lack of any legal arguments) in order to spread the new insurrection (far more powerful and well organized than the previous one) against the Commonwealth’s invaders. Later on, in 1848 Walewski totally changed his political orientation. He resigned from his insurrectionism, became a loyalist and started to support the governments of Austria and Russia. This sudden turn in his political beliefs may be understood on the ground of historiosophy. It appears that Walewski’s political statements had deeper roots in a very interesting perspective on the nature of the history, especially the Polish one.
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