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Vzťah Prefixácie, Vidu a Valencie

100%
Jazykovedný Casopis
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2015
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vol. 65
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issue 2
123-137
EN
Literature has pointed out to the existence of two kinds of aspectual prefixes in Slavic languages - external or superlexical and internal or lexical - which differ in the ability to mark telicity and alter argument structure. The study discusses the two kinds of prefixes in Slovak on the basis of scalarity underlying telicity. External prefixes are nonscalar, they express an event is bounded in time but not inherently delimited. They are ±telic and they do not alter argument structure. In contrast, internal prefixes are scalar, because they refer to a scale that measures the event. They are +telic because they denote a boundary on the scale. They can alter argument structure because the event participant measured by a scale must be obligatorily realized as subject or direct object. There are three cases of argument structure alternation: 1. an optionally transitive verb becomes an obligatorily transitive prefixed verb, 2. an intransitive verb becomes an obligatorily transitive prefixed verb with unselected direct object, 3. an intransitive verb becomes an obligatorily reflexive prefixed verb with unselected reflexive marker sa, which I consider a kind of direct object.
EN
The subject of this article is part of research trying to identify in a textual genre lexico-syntactic constructions with generic markers value. The analysis focuses on the linguistic expression of the manifestation of the blushing body in two textual genres: the detective novel and the romance novel. The aspectual value of these constructions may be related to the textual genre in which they appear because it seems to guide the inferential mechanism in the discovery of implicit information.
EN
The definition of aspect as a semantic category enables aspectual analysis of the NP to be carried out. Noun phrases are viewed as aspectually equivalent to VPs. In both cases, the analyses are likely to be conducted along the same set of principles of aspectual decomposition. The point is to ascertain whether and how the category of aspect may contribute to the contrastive description of articles between a language with no articles and an article-language.
FR
The definition of aspect as a semantic category enables aspectual analysis of the NP to be carried out. Noun phrases are viewed as aspectually equivalent to VPs. In both cases, the analyses are likely to be conducted along the same set of principles of aspectual decomposition. The point is to ascertain whether and how the category of aspect may contribute to the contrastive description of articles between  a language with no articles and an article-language.
EN
The paper analyzes the central verbal categories: tense and aspect in Polish Penal Code of 1997 against the background of other codes in Polish, the current Russian, Czech and other Slavic penal codes as well as the codes of Austrian and German Empires in its Slavic translations. The Polish legal order has not developed any binding instruction on how to interpret grammatical categories, so the question of its correct interpretation constitutes a challenge in the application of law. Verbal aspect, as well as grammatical gender or number, belongs to the most dangerous grammatical categories in the legal use because of the difference between the common sense and its legal meaning.
FR
Le but de cet article est de présenter les résultats de l’application de l’approche orientée objets de Wiesław Banyś dans la désambiguïsation de l’opposition intra-aspectuelle du type itérativité vs sémelfactivité. Après une courte introduction théorique à la question de l’itérativité des verbes de mouvement, l’auteur procède à l’étude des exemples concrets de quelques emplois du verbe aller et construit par la suite six schémas syntaxico-sémantiques déterminant la traduction polonaise du verbe analysé à l’aide de la forme itérative (jeździć) ou bien sémelfactive (jechać). Le format de description de l’itérativité employé dans cet article permet d’intégrer les résultats de la recherche dans les programmes de traduction automatique.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present the results of the application of the object-oriented approach by Wiesław Banyś in the disambiguation of the intra-aspectual opposition iterative vs semelfactive. After a brief theoretical introduction to the question of the motion verbs’ iterativity, the author proceeds to study concrete examples of some uses of the French verb aller and creates six syntactic-semantic schemes conditioning the Polish translation of the analysed verb by the iterative (jeździć) or semelfactive form (jechać). The format of the description of the iterativity used in this paper allows to integrate the results of the research into the Machine Translation programs.
PL
W artykule omówiono dane, które są problematyczne z punktu widzenia hipotezy, że presupozycja, iż działanie miało miejsce, bezpośrednio motywuje użycie aspektu niedokonanego w stwierdzeniach faktu w języku rosyjskim, a tym samym w innych językach słowiańskich. Autor argumentuje, że imperfektywne stwierdzenia faktu występują w kontekstach presupozycyjnych, a takie użycie jest motywowane przez określone elementy semantyczne / efekty dyskursu, takie jak interpretacja sytuacji jako procesu aterminatywnego lub powtarzalnego, co również motywuje niepresupozycyjne imperfektywne stwierdzenia faktu. Omówione zostały ponadto przypadki presupozycyjnego użycia perfektywnego, które także są wywoływane przez elementy semantyczne, które zostały niezależnie umotywowane dla użycia niepresupozycyjnego perfektywnego. Zasugerowano, że presupozycyjne imperfektywa można wyjaśnić jako przypadki, w których nadawca komunikatu ignoruje pierwotny łańcuch przyczynowy czynności i wspomina o zdarzeniu, mając na uwadze pewne niezależne cele. W przeciwieństwie do tego, perfektyw sytuuje akcję w jej pierwotnie zamierzonym łańcuchu przyczynowym. W zakończeniu przedstawiono dane wskazujące na fakt, iż imperfektywa presupozycyjne w języku czeskim i chorwackim odzwierciedlają rozumienie akcji jako procesu.
EN
This paper discusses data which are problematic for the hypothesis that the presupposition that an action has taken place directly motivates the use of the imperfective aspect in statements of fact in Russian, and by extension in other Slavic languages. It argues that while imperfective statements of fact occur in presuppositional contexts, such usage is instead motivated by particular semantic elements/discourse effects, such as the construal of a situation as an aterminative process or as repeatable, construals which also motivate non-presuppositional imperfective statements of fact. Similarly, it discusses cases of presuppositional perfective usage, which are likewise triggered by semantic elements that have been independently motivated for non-presuppositional perfective usage. It is further suggested that presuppositional imperfectives can be explained as cases in which the speaker ignores the original causal chain of an action and mentions the event with some orthogonal purposes in mind. In contrast, the perfective tracks the event in its originally intended causal chain. Lastly, it presents data indicating that presuppositional imperfectives in Czech and Croatian reflect the construal of an action as a process.  
EN
The aim of this contribution is to confront the perfective and imperfective paradigms of verbs and to formulate testing procedures that would allow for the determination of the aspectual status of the aspectual paradigm of a verb as reliably as possible. The main task is to find a way to detect the presence of the perfective paradigm in the set of forms of a biaspectual verb. Both paradigms were confronted from the perspective of: (1) which forms they contain; (2) the functioning of their forms under certain conditions; (3) the ability of their forms to accompany each other. The author presents methods for verifying the presence/absence of the perfective paradigm in the set of forms of the “candidates for biaspectuality”. Two configurations evidence the presence of the perfective paradigm. First, the acceptability of the present tense in temporal clauses introduced by the conjunctions až and než, and second, the possibility of a double interpretation of a complex sentence with a perfective preterite in the main clause and the conjunction když and a preterite in the temporal clause. Subsequently, the author constructs an algorithm for determining whether a paradigm is imperfective or perfective or whether two homonymous paradigms coexist.
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K takzvaným kapacitivům

63%
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2009
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vol. 92
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issue 3
113-121
EN
The article deals with capacity verbs, defined as verbs expressing the ability of the left-hand complement to perform the action described by the underlying verb. The following problems are discussed: 1. The aspect of capacity verbs. 2. Their usage in reference to non-actual actions only, or to a concrete action as well. 3. The appropriateness of distinguishing them from other verb classes. 4. The ‘ability’ meaning of their u- prefix. 5. Their membership in the class of Aktionsart verbs (procedurals). Also included is a polemical reaction to F. Štícha’s article on verbal adjectives ending in -cí (udělající), published in the SaS in 2008.
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2011
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vol. 94
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issue 3
134-141
EN
This article is devoted to the long-term problem of which aspectual value of the verb soustředit se (to concentrate) should be used. It explores the question of whether the present-day imperfective usage is a result of the speaker’s diminished ability to discern between the perfect and imperfect aspect, or whether it is an unsurprising consequence of the position of the verb in the system of prefixed verbs.
EN
This paper describes how the Czech National Corpus can be used in researching what is called the ‘loss of biaspectuality’ process. We have tried to establish that the process manifests itself as a gradual year-by-year decrease in frequency of foreign-origin biaspectual verbs in (sub)corpora with a balanced distribution of texts. We deem this decrease to be inversely proportional to the increase in frequency of newly formed perfective correlates. Though these hypotheses have not been unambiguously verified, we have nonetheless acquired a great quantity of valuable data. We have identified four general types of verbal correlation in our database: (1) the “akceptovat” type stands for biaspectual verbs with no identified perfective correlates in the Czech National Corpus; (2) the “ilustrovat” type includes biaspectual verbs with infrequent perfective correlates; (3) the “dokumentovat” type represents biaspectual verbs with moderately frequent perfective correlates (both components of the correlation can ordinarily express perfective meaning); and finally, (4) the “likvidovat” type stands for originally biaspectual verbs with very frequent perfective correlates with a tendency to become the exclusive vehicle of the perfective meaning.
13
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Ke slovesnému vidu v češtině

63%
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2010
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vol. 93
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issue 3
113-124
EN
This article briefly treats the system of Czech verbal aspect. The author touches upon several important matters which have been the subject of research on Czech verbal aspect. The text contains the following sections: 1. basic delimitation of the aspectual category; 2. two types of verbal pairs; 3. the task of prefixation (or verbal prefixes) in the system of verbal aspect; 4. biaspectual verbs; 5. aspectual non-parity.
EN
This paper presents a phenomenon (almost) thus far unnoticed, namely the use of a periphrastic futurum for the purpose of expressing perfectivity in the future tense of the biaspectual verbs (bude vetovat, bude exkomunikovat, bude rezignovat). This is actually a competition between the perfective present tense (prezident abdikujepf.) and the periphrastic futurum (prezident bude abdikovat). One of the main aims of this text is to explain this phenomenon. The author concludes that: (1) the cause or trigger of the observed phenomenon is the homonymy of the perfective and imperfective present tense, respectively their ambiguity, which may interfere with the smooth course of communication, (2) the purpose is to clearly indicate that it refers to the action in the future, (3) the relatively unambiguous expression of perfectivity by the periphrastic futurum is made possible by the lexical semantics of the respective verbs, their “non-durativity” or “short-term nature”. Other issues dealt with in this study are: (1) the possible undesirable consequences of aspectual homonymy, (2) the ways and means of their elimination, and (3) the causes of the persistence of aspectual homonymy.
EN
The theoretical part of this article is focused on verbal aspect, particularly on biaspectual verbs in Czech. The creation of a perfective verb from a biaspectual verb by means of prefixation is described. Within corpus research, usage of biaspectual verbs in a perfective context is explored in contrast to its perfective correlate. Then we focus on syntactic restrictions, considering the usage of certain biaspectual verbs, and on the fact that the aspect of biaspectual verbs cannot be identified out of context. Czech biaspectual verbs develop over time and they can also lose their biaspectuality over time. The perfective forms of biaspectual verbs were verified for the following verbs: adaptovat, definovat, organizovat, faulovat, kontaktovat, realizovat, exportovat, publikovat, kompromitovat and korumpovat. Our research indicates that half of the selected verbs cannot be used in their perfective forms in time-subordinate sentences, and that in this type of sentence they are replaced by their prefixed perfective correlates. This finding leads us to the conclusion that in certain contexts, Czech biaspectual verbs can lose their biaspectuality over time.
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51%
EN
One of the tasks of this text is to find out whether the verb chybovat is only imperfective, or biaspectual (imperfective and perfective), while it has never been determined as biaspectual. With the help of introspection, questionnaire and corpus investigation, the author concludes that this verb is ambivalent as to expressing perfectivity. It is just somewhere on the way between the verbs only imperfective and verbs biaspectual, being exposed to many factors determining its further direction. The units that are currently undergoing change should be given, according to the author, increased research attention, as this could lead to a deeper understanding of the principles of linguistic changes. A part of the text is also a reflection on the causes of difficulties in trying to include a particular unit in the corresponding language class.
EN
The author focuses on the topic of the passé composé and the expression of the verbal aspect in the French language and in the Slovak and Polish languages. She examines the potential of contextual analysis of the passé composé in the perception of the difference between what she calls the passé composé perfectif and the passé composé imperfectif. From the contrastive perspective of the French language versus the two Slavic languages, she examines the notions of achèvement and accomplissement linked to the aspectual interpretation of the passé composé and finds that only the intra-phrastic context of the passé composé enables learners to better master the dual use of this tense in French. The author bases her argument on the corpora of minimal sentences from which the teacher and the learners of the French language can establish the contextual elements allowing to differentiate between the two uses in question.
Naše řeč (Our Speech)
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2020
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vol. 103
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issue 4
320-336
EN
The paper deals with changes in the Czech aspectual system during the last twenty-five years. The author analyses data acquired from the Czech National Corpus or, more precisely, from subcorpora containing only journalistic texts (the national daily newspapers Hospodářské noviny, Lidové noviny, Mladá fronta DNES and Právo). The corpus-based analysis showed that the frequency of the verb (and its finite forms) has been increasing in journalistic texts and that the statistic relation between imperfective and perfective verbs, as well as the relation between grammatical tenses in Czech, has become more asymmetrical (especially, the frequency of imperfective verbs has been rising). The increase in aspectual asymmetry accentuates the “western” features of the Czech aspectual system in the sense of S. M. Dickey’s (2000) conception. Together with the increasing aspectual asymmetry in Czech, the frequency of bi-aspectual verbs has slightly decreased. The analysis also showed that the frequency of verbs with prefixes (both perfective and imperfective) has decreased in Czech. The author interprets these facts as results of the transmission of certain dynamic (and system-based) features from spoken language to the written language, and he also discusses the typological context of the changes (inferring aspectual meanings from grammatical context as a manifestation of strengthening analyticity in Czech).
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