Search results

1

Sytuacja osób młodych na rynku pracy w województwie śląskim w latach 2011–2016

100%

Oziębłowski B.

Przedsiębiorstwo i Region

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2018

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issue 10

47-54

EN

The key objective of the study is to depict unemployment among young people in the provice Silesia in 2011–2016. As a thesis, it was assumed that in recent years unemployment among people who enter the labor market is falling. On the basis of analyzes of industry materials, this thesis has been proved. At the same time, we can talk about a slower decline in the level of unemployment among university graduates, rather than considering the total number of unemployed people

2

Społeczne determinanty zaburzeń zachowania wśród młodych ludzi

88%

Łukowski K.

Konińskie Studia Społeczno-Ekonomiczne

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2021

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vol. 7

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issue 1

85-96

EN

Social determinants of behavioral disorders among young people Influencing factors on the increase in behavioral disorders in young people are taking place during unsuccessful attempts at self-reliance and life independence, which can be called the errors of youth. The article presents an introduction to various ways of preventing behavioral disorders among young people. The occurrence of behavioral disorders often has its source in experiencing violence, helplessness, loss, frustration, immaturity and addiction. The purpose of this article is to look at the cause of disorders of functioning among young people and their consequences. This work will illustrate irregularities in adolescence, environmental conditions, and the formation of educational attitudes.

3

Młodociani i młodzi recydywiści w świetle badań kryminologicznych część pierwsza

87%

Batawia S.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1965

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issue III

9-95

EN

This work deals with the results of research carried out by Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences concerning young male recidivists aged 17-25 who had been repeatedly convicted. The fundamental material consists of:100 young adult recidivists (aged about 20 on on the average) investigated in prisons in the years 1957/58. Follow-up studies comprise the period of 7-8 years; the average age of those investigated amounted recently to 23; 6 years.100 recidivists, aged 21-25, investigated in prison (their average age being 23 years and 6 months), 60 of whom were subjected to detailed investigations in the years 1961/62. Follow-up studies comprised the period of 3 years; the average of the investigated amounted recently to 26;8 years.The additional material incrudes results of the follow-up studies concerning 331 juvenile recidivists, investigated in various periods of time as of 1957: 1. 158 former juvenile recidivists (cases taken from the Juvenile Court) whose average age is now about 24; 82 of them still continue to commit offences, 2. 81 of former juvenile recidivists discharged from educational and correctional institutions, whose average age now amounts to 31; 50 of them still continue to commit offences, 3. Formerly irrvestigated 92 juveniles and young adults guilty of hooligan misdemeanours whose average age is now about 28; 52 of them still continue to commit offences. Moreover, while dealing with certain questions, results of the research concerning 1,394 juvenile recidivists, a part of whom has recently become young adult recidivists, were also utilized.The above material was chosen for the research in such a way as to satisfy the needs of representativeness.The task facing the investigators at the outset of the research in prisons with regard to young adult recidivists aged 17-20 in 1957 was the verification of the following hypotheses: such recidivists derive as a rule from among individuals who alreardy in their childhood displayed symptoms of social maladjustment and repeatedly committed thefts during their minority. Prisoners aged 17-20, domiciled in Warsaw or its environs, convicted for at least the second time after the completion of 17 years of age and imprisoned for the second time at least, were successively chosen for the research in prison without any selection whatever. After a check in Juvenile Courts it appeared that 90 out of 100 young adult recidivists were tried by Juvenile Courts (for thefts as a rule); on the basis of the information given by their mothers and themselves it has been ascertained that merely 9 out of the remaining 20 did not as juveniles commit thefts repeatedly. Only 9 % of the investigated recidivists did not display any symptoms of serious maladjustment in their childhood.In connection with these results of the research, in 1961 investigations of recidivists aged 21-25 were initiated in the Warsaw prisons. Recidivists of that age who were convicted at least twice and imprisoned for at least the third time were qualified for this research, the purpose of which was to find out a) whether also among recidlvists older than the previously investigated recidivists of 17-20 there are as a rule individuals who began to commit offences as juveniles (under 17), b) and to reveal, in cases when delinquency and recidivism begin at after the completion of 17-18 years of age, the factors influencing the subsequent beginning of the process of social degradation.In course of one year, there were in two Warsaw prisons 259 recidivists aged 21-25, convicted at least twice and imprisoned for at least the third time. After a check in the Juvenile Courts it appeared that 153 of them (59 %) were formerly tried by the Juvenile Courts. Since they constituted an analoguous population in relation to the previously investigated 100 recidivists aged 17-20, they were not included in the research. No information could be obtained at Juvenile Courts with regard to the remaining 106 recidivists aged 21-25 as to their committing offences before the completion of 17 years of age. In course of detailed investigations of 60 out of 106 recidivists, it has been asserted on the basis of interviews held with them and their nearest relations, that 27 % of these recidivists repeatedly committed thefts already in their childhood. Thus, when these results were calculated in relation to the entire population (259) of 21-25 years old recidivists, it appeared that individuals whose delinquency began in their childhood (minority) constitute 70 % of the total. Recidivists who began committing offences after the completion of 17 years of age constitute only 30 % of the total.Below are presented the data relating to the deliquency of 100 recidivists aged 21-25, supplemented by follow-up studies in course of a three years period (their age already amounted to 24-28 years).Among recidivists aged 21-25, only 44 % were tried 3 times after the completion of 17 years of age, and 35 % were tried 5 times and more. After a lapse of 3 years merely 20 % of recidivists three times tried were left while already 58 % of recidivists were tried 5 times and more 24 % were tried 7 times and more).The average length of time spent on liberty between particular arrests in connection with instituting of new judiciai proceedings, was as follows: it did not exceed 6 months for 26 % of recidivists, it amounted to 7-12 months for 37 %, 13-18 months for 19 % and did not exceed one year and a half for merely 18 % of recidivists.63 % of recidivists remained on liberty between subsequent arrests at most one year on the average and 82 % less than year and a half. The age at which first judicial proceedings were instituted against recidivists after their completion of 17 years of age was as folows: 17-18 years for 57 % of recidivists, 19 years for 13%, 21-22 years for 10 % and 23-24 years for 2 % of recidivists. During detailed investigations of 60 recidivists it appeared that they could be divided into two groups: Group A (34) consists of individuals, who were first tried at courts aiready at the age of 17-18 and probably committed offences before. These recidivists are seriously socialIy degraded and at leasts 40% of them are closely connected with the criminal environment, 56 % perpetrated robberies. 62 % were tried six times and more at the age of 24-28 years. Group B (26) consists of individuals of whom 69 % were first tried at courts only at the age of 20 and over and only 39 % were tried six times and more. They are less socially degraded, their deliquency being closely connected with alcoholism. An analysis of deliquency of the seriously socially degraded recidivists from Group A permits to assert that offences against property constitute 55 % of all the offences for which they were convicted, while offences committed under the influence of alcohol - against authorities (mostly insults and attacks on the policemen) and against person (infringement of bodily inviolability, assaults occasioning actual bodily harm) constituted 27 % of the offences committed. Theft (burglary or larceny), the typical offence against property, constitutes 70 % of all offences against property. A relatively large numer of offences against authoritiers, mostly against the policemen and against the person, committed under the influence of alcohol, indicates at once that frequent abuse of alcohol must also play an important role in the delinquency of the Group A recidivists, especially as practically all their robberies were committed in the state of drunkenness.Detailed investigations have shown that 80 % of these recidivists already drank alcoholic beverages several times a week before the completion of 18 years of age and now as many as 56% display symptoms of alcohol addiction although their average age is only 26;6 years. The delinquency of the less demoralized Group B differs from that of the Group A. The percentage of offences against property is only 28 %, most of the offences were committed under the influence of alcohol and offences against the person amount to 18 %. At the time of the research that group did not contain individuals connected with criminal environment or with professional criminals and the thefts they committed were not serious. Ten out of 26 recidivists did not commit offences against property at all. The percentage of alcoholics in that group is as high as 61,5 %; all the others drink large quantities of alcohol several times a week. A group of recidivists, similar to Group B now under review, appears also among the previously investigated 100 recidivists aged 17-20. After a lapse of 8 years, recidivists of that group whose offences against authorities, infringement of bodily inviolability and assaults occasioning actual bodily harm perpetrated under the influence of alcohol, amount to three fourths of all the offences committed, constitute 21 %. Likewise, among the formerly investigated 158 juvenile recidivists now aged about 24, the seriously socially degraded recidivists, who for the most part commit offences against property (analogously to Group A) constitute 42 % and recidivists committing offences mostly connected with abuse of alcohol (similarly to Group B) 25 %.Similar populations of recidivists also appear in other follow-up studies among the other formerly investigated juvenile recidivists. In each of these populations there exists at present a group (less numerous) of adult recidivists whose typical offences are not thefts but offences against authorities and against the person.In connection with the intensified alcoholisrn of the investigated recidivists it should be remembered that these recidivists cannot be identified with the typical aicoholics who commit offences. Apart from the fact that not all alcoholics commit offences, indiviluals who where not tried at courts under thirty years of age can usually be encountered among the convicted alcoholics. The period of time from the beginning of a frequent abuse of alcohoI to the appearance of the first symptoms of the alcohol addiction usually lasts 5-7 years and before the syndrom, characteristic for chronic alcoholisrn becomes manifest a few more years elapse. Delinquency of the alcoholics usually becomes a secondary, late phenomenon, connected with personality deviations and difficult living conditions resulting from a long period of systematic drinking.The delinquency of the alcoholics is besides less intensified and less serious. Therefore, recidivists who became alcoholics only after a lapse of a certain period of time, should be regarded from different points of view than those alcoholics whose delinquency made its appearance considerably later.All investigated recidivists (except 9) aged 17-20 began to commit thefts already at school-age, most of them under 13 years of age and only 30 % of recidivists aged 21-25 were tried at courts for the first time at the age of 20 and over. Thus, the beginning of delinquency and recidivism occurs in most last cases only at the initial stage of a systematic abuse of alcohol which cannot be identified with alcohol addiction.Nevertheless at the time of the research already 53 % of the investigated recidivists were alcohol addicts despite their youth, a fact which ought to be considered in connection with the early beginning of the abuse of alcohol by an overwhelming majority of persons investigated. A large percentage of alcoholics among the younger recidivists also indicates, that the question of personality disorders reveals itself as a problem deserving particular consideration.This work deals in the first place with the question whether the investigated recidivists displayed any symptoms of social maladjustment at their school-time and whether they constitute an analogous population to that of juvenile recidivists who according to other investigations conducted Department of Criminology show tendencies for reiterated perpetration of offences also after the completion of 18-20 years of age.As is well known, a part of juvenile delinquents cease to commit offences in their later years. The question what sort of juvenile delinquents stops committing offences and can be considered resocialized and what still continues to commit them at the age of 20-25, is important from the viewpoint of the problems of recidivism.It has been asserted with regard to 185 juvenile recidivists after a lapse of ten years when their average age was 23;9, that at least 32 % of them were seriously degraded and continued to commit offences frequently. (The percentage of former juvenile recidivists, considered fully resocialized, was only 33 % after 10 years). Among 81 juvenile recidivists discharged from correctional and educational institutions 44 % continued to commit offences after a Iapse of 13 years, (their avelage age already being 31). Regarding another investigated population of 92 juvenile and young adult perpetrators of the so-called misdemeanours of a hooligan character who often abused of alcohol, it has been asserted after the lapse of 11 years when they were already 28 years old, that 56 % of them still continued to commit offences. An analysis of the results of those investigations revealed, that juvenile recidivists who did not cease committing offences after the completion of twenty old years of age, displayed important symptoms of social maladjustment since their childhood and began to commit offences at an earlier stage than those juvenile recidivists who later reformed. Non-attendance at school, truancy, considerable retardation in learning, spending their time with demoralized companions, alcohol drinking etc. were particulary intensified as regards those juveniles who continued to commit offences after 20 years of age. The investigated young adult recidivists (aged 17-20) and the most degraded recidivists of 21-25 (Group A) constitute a population analogous to those population which are encountered among the formerly investigated juvenile recidivists who did not cease to commit offences. Out of 100 recidivists aged 17-20, 58 % attained only 6 grades at school (a half of them ceased to attend school at the age of 11-13), 77 % played truants systematically (practically all of them have done so already in the first years at school), 58% ran away repeatedly from home (three fourths of them started running away before they were 12) and as many as 61 % drank alcohol more often than once a week before the completion of 17 years of age. Only 13 out of 100 recidivists who later ceased to commit offences did not display serious symptoms of social maladjustment at school.Among the seriously socially degraded recidivists of 21-25 (Group A) only 35 % finished elementary school while most of them stopped attending school after 5 grades. Truancy, repetition of grades, early contacts with demoralized boys, often older than themselves being absent from their home for many hours every day, drinking alcohol etc. are typical phenomena. Dislike for all work, quick abandoning of work, frequent changes of employment follow at a later period. None of them ever worked systematically; some of them soon contrived to establish contacts with the criminal environment. Practically all of those recidivists have already first tried at courts art the age of 17-18. Recidivists whose delinquency began at a later tirne (Group B) and a part of whom did not commit offences against property, differ from the former. At the time of the investigations, that group did not include any systematically stealing individuals involved in the criminal background or such who had never worked for their living. It appeared, however, that these less demoralized recidivists who have been drinking alcohol for a long tirne now and among whom, despite their youth, there were 61,5 % of alcoholics, displayed in their chirldhood symptoms of social maladjustment similar to those shown by the more socially degraded recidivists of Group A. These symptoms were more definite regarding those who later committed thefts than those recidivists-alcoholics who did not commit ofences against property (there were but ten of the latter, however). Besides, the former had a more negative attitude to work already in their early youth, although in Group B only 3 recidivists have worked rather systernatically. Typical for ałl the rest was occasionaI work and frequent changes of employment. As is seen from the above, practically all investigated recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25 already in their childhood displayed symptoms of social maladjustement, which shourd be considered in connection with certain personality disorders. 6. Another question dealt with in Part I of this work is the problem of family environments from which derive the recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25. It is fitting to mention that after the end of the war in 1945 their average age was 7-8 and 6-7 years; thus, the early childhood of these recidivists coincides with the time of war and occupation. Only 45 % of recidivists aged 17-20 and 51,7 % of recidivists aged 21-25 were brought up families in which were both parents. 32% of the former lost their father when they were under 7 years of age and 16 % under 15 while the figures for the latter are 22 % and 18% respectively. 40 % of young adult recidivists and about 50 % of recidivists aged 21-25 had alcoholic fathers, step-fathers or mothers men-friends living with them. Family environments were classified as negative in 62 % and 70 % with regard to both investigated populations; recidivists more degraded derived from worse family environments than those less antisocial. In connection with the above results of the research this work provides data relating to family environments of the formerly investigated juvenile delinquents of whom a part was born during the war or just before its outbreak (596 cases) and a part after its termination (758 cases). A confrontation of the data relating to family environments of those two populations permits to determine the existence and nature of differences in family environments of recidivists born in these two different periods of time. Following conclusions can be drawn from an analysis of the results of this research: Juvenile recidivists born during the war or just before the war were brought up in the broken families in a larger percentage (51 %, 52 % and 70 %) than juvenile recidivists born after its termination (39% and 34 %). The negative home environment appears, however, in the similar percentage regarding both the former (45 %, 40 % and60 %) and the latter (44 % and 58 %); homes of good educational atmosphere are scarce and do not exceed 19 % - 22 %. Data relating to alcoholism in homes are formed in much the sarne way (55 %, 54 %, 51 % - 58 % and 53 %). Results of investigations of 158 juveniles committing thefts (recidivists constitute 71 %) most of whom were born already several years after the war deserve special consideration. That research covered all juveniles tried for thefts in course of one year at one of the Juvenile Courts in Warsaw. 58 % of the investigated juveniles derived from homes classified as negative family environments (only 20 % of homes deserved a positive appraisal). A statisticaily significant relationship between recidivism and the negative home environment was ascertained at the same time. The same significant relationship between the negative home environment and a further recidivism, estimated on the basis of follow-up studies covering a period of 10 years, applies to another research comprising 158 juvenile recidivists.Thus the abnormal family structure and highly unfavourable home conditions under which the childhood of most of the investigated recidivists aged 17-20 and 21-25 was spent, are typical also for the investigated populations of juvenile recidivists displaying tendencies for further recidivism. Next volume of the "Archives" deals with the problem of personality of the investigated recidivists and with certain questions connected with the erroneous penal and penitentiary policy which is contributing to the process of their social degradation.

4

Przestępczość 100 młodocianych recydywistów w okresie od 18 r. ż. do ukończenia 25-28 lat (wyniki badań katamnestycznych)

76%

Szelhaus S.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1965

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issue III

97-120

EN

In the years 1957/1958 the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences carried out a research in prisons concerning 100 young-adult recidivists aged 17-20. Qualified for the research without any selection were prisoners of tłrat age, convicted by law courts at least twice after the completion of their 17th year of age (regardless of the kind of the offence committed), and serving their term in prison for at least the second time. Their residence in Warsaw or in the environs of Warsaw and their having at least one parent constituted additional criteria. No other information concerning these recidivists was available at the time they were qualified for the research and thus it was not known whether they committed any offences before the completion of their 17th year of age or whether they were tried by the courts at all.At the time of the research in prisons the average age of recidivists was about 20. 50 % of them were convicted twice after the completion of 17 years of age, 25 % were convicted three times and 23 % four times and more. A check in the Juvenile Court revealed. that 80 % of those recidivists underwent trials in Juvenile Courts for thefts as a rule before they completed 17 years of age. Moreover, 11 % of them repeatedly committed thefts as juveniles (under 17) for which they were not tried by the courts. At least 54 % out of 91 recidivists become delinquents under 13 years of age and only 12 % began cornmitting theft at the age of 15 and over. 44 % of recidivists stayed at correctional institutions (as a rule only at a time when they were 15-16 years old).Already during the investigation in prisons in the years 1957/1958, when the average age of recidivists was merely about 20, it was stated that 82 % of them were seriously demoralized. Their subsequent destinies were further investigated in the course of 6 years until the end of 1964. The average age of these 100 recidivists amounted recently to 26 years and six months. Below are presented data relating to their delinquency from the age of 17 to 25-28 years of age. That period comprises 8-11 years, on the average 10 years. 65 % stayed longer in prisons than on liberty, with 36 % staying in prison even longer than two thirds of that entire period. The average period of their staying on liberty between alternate arrests was up to 6 months for 48 % of recidivists, below a year for 80,5 %, and one year and a half and over for 5,4% only. On the average there are 8.3 proved offences for one recidivist (the number of offences for which they were convicted is actually much higher, as not all judicial records could have been examined; the register of the convicted persons does not contain competent information in this respect). Among 830 offences for which 100 recidivists were convicted the offences against property constituted 63 % (among them thefts – 83 %), offences against authonities 16 % (mostly against policemen), offences against the person 13 % and various other offences 8 %. 37 % of recidivists were convicted exclusively for offences against property, and with 27 % the convictions against property outnumbered those against authorities and against the person. 27 % were convicted for various offences with the preponderance of convictions for offences against authorities and against the person. 9 % of recidivists were convicted exclusively for offences against authorities and against the person.The most antisocial offenders, who as a rule since the completion of their 17th year stayed in prison longer than on liberty, for committing thefts for the most part, constitute 50 % among recidivists ąged 25-28. Only 13 % of recidivists can be considered resocialized. Since their last discharge from prison they have remained on liberty for at least 6 years. They work and lead a normal life, they do not abuse of alcohol often. Those 13 recidivists already in their youth displayed the lowest degree of demoralization, most of them were only twice convicted after the completion of 17 years of age and the average number of offences for which they were tried in courts was merely about 4.The inefficacy of imprisonment with regard to young-adult delinquents is dealt with in the final part of this work.During the period of about 10 years after the completion of 17 years of age, the recidivists were jointly sentenced to imprisonment in 466 cases. Imprisonment, not exceeding 6 months time, constituted 31 % of the total, below 1 year – 52 %, below one year and a half – 66 %, below 2 years – 73 % of the total.An analysis of the material shows that penalties inflicted on the now most antisocial recidivists do not differ from those inflicted on recidivists who have not committed any offences at all for the last six years.AIso there is no relationship whatever between the wight of penalty inflicted by the courts and the succession of convictions.The average penalty inflicted does not show any relationship to the rate of recidivism: as regards recidivists convicted three times only, the average penalty amounted to 16 months of prison, for six previous convictions to twelve months, for seven and more convictions - to 13 months of prison. The average penalty is then lower for the recurrent recidivists already convicted six and more times than for the offenders convicted only three times, despite the fact that the most antisocial recidivists, committing thefts for the most part, constitute 83 % of the offenders convicted six times and more.Moreover, the research has shown, that there is no significant relationship between the length of imprisonment and the length of the subsequent stay on liberty before a new arrest. Recidivists discharged after having served a six months term in prison were arrested again before the lapse of half a year in 44 % of cases; recidivists discharged after a term of three and more years, found thernselves in prison again before the lapse of half a year in 63 % of cases.Application of long-term imprisonment does not prevent further recidivism. It is necessary to apply special sanctions during the recidivists' minority and up to 21 years of age with the sole aim of their resocialisation.

5

Nasilenie przestępczości młodocianych i dorosłych w latach 1958-1962 na podstawie statystyki sądowej

76%

Jasiński J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1965

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issue III

283-365

EN

In the years 1958-1962 a certain slight increase of adult delinquency (until 1960) and later its slight decline has become apparent. This is affirmed by police statistics (relating to the number of crimes registered and revealed by the police), by the data of the Public Prosecutor's Office (containing information on reported crimes) and by the data of Law Courts (containing the number of convictions). In the years 1958-1962 the yearly number of convictions amounted to about 300 thous. This constitutes an increase of about 70 per cent as compared with the level of 1951 which however was due partly to an enlargement of the competence of Iaw courts. The frequency of convictions of adults measured by the delinquency coefficient (calculated per thousand of criminally liable persons i.e. persons over 17 years of age) amounted to a level of 17,2 in 1960 i.e. 62 per cent higher than in 1951. In 1962 that frequency was expressed by the coefficient 15.5 which indicated an average of 1 conviction on 65 criminally liable persons. Among the total of persons convicted by the Courts of Law juveniles under 17 years of age formed only a very small group (5-9 per cent), nevertheless, together with the young adults (17-20 years of age) they already constituted about 20 per cent of all the convicted. Persons under 30 (practicalły those aged 10-29) constituted half of the total of juveniles found guilty and convicted adults. Poland, together with Yugoslavia and Hungary, seems to belong to that group of countries where against the background of adult delinquency the juvenile and young adult delinquency does not, according to statistics relating to convictions, present a particularly serious problem. In a series of countries, persons under 20-21 years of age constituted more than a half of revealed offenders (e.g. England and Wales, Canada) and in some of them even two thirds of the total (Ireland, Norway, Sweden). Delinquency coefficients denoting frequency of convictions indicate that its degree was highest among the young adults (i.e. those aged 17-20) and adults aged 21-24 and 25-29. In 1962 approximately every 41 person in each of these age groups was convicted. A small increase of the frequency of convictions which occurred in 1958-1960 was most strongly reflected by the convicted of precisely those age groups. Its subsequent decline was there the least noticeable. Out of the total of 300 thous. persons convicted in 1962 about 245 thous. were men and about 55 thous. women. The number of convicted women in relation to 100 convicted men was continually diminishing (though not without certain oscillattions): it was 35 in 1951 and only 22 in 1962. Poland together with Yugoslavia and Hungary, also with Belgium, belongs to the countries with a high percentage of women among the convicted adults (about 20 per cent of the total). In most countries it is much lower and does not even reach 10 per cent (e.g. Norway, Finland, Sweden, Canada, France). The frequency of convictions of men was expressed by the coefficient 29.2 in 1960, which indicates a 70 per cent increase as compared with 1951. It was merely 9 per cent lower than in 1937 (the coefficient was then 31.5). In 1962 the delinquency coefficient for men amounted to 27.0. In that year there was on the average one conviction on 36 criminally liable men. The frequency of convictions of women was expressed by the coefficient 5.3 in 1962 which indicates a mere 2 per cent increase as compared with 1951. In the years 1958-1959 that degree of frequency was however much higher. The coefficient has then reached the level of 6.9 and was even higher than in 1937 when it amounted to 6.6. Among the total of men convicted by the law courts the juveniles constituted 6-10 per cent and together with young adults 20-22 per cent in the years 1958-1962. The percentage of women among the convicted bareIy amounted to 2-4 per cent and 12-13 per cent. Half of the convicted men was somewhat under thirty and half of the women under thirty five years of age. Among the convicted men hardly every tenth man was fifty years old or over. Among the convicted women every sixth one was of that age. The relation between the number of convicted men and women differed in particular age groups: in 1962 there were 15 women to 100 convicted men aged 17-20, 17 to 100 aged 25-29 years, 27 to 100 aged 35-39, 32 to 100 aged 45--49 and 48 to 100 aged 60 and over. Frequency of convictions of juveniles and young men reached a very high level in the course of the period under investigation. In the years 1960-1962 one out of every 23 men aged 17-29 was convicted. Delinquency coefficients for men in older age groups (over 30 years of age) were rapidly diminishing; the value of the coefficients for men aged 35-39 equalled two thirds of the value of the coefficienits for the 17-20 age group, about a half for the 45-49, about one third for the 50-59 and about one eighth for the age group of sixty and over. The highest frequency of convictions of women occurred among those aged 21-24. It was higher among women of 40 or even 45 than among those aged 17-20. The decline in the frequency of convictions of women over 50 was relatively twice lower than that of men. In a series of European countries various groups of juvenile and not adult offenders have the highest delinquency coefficient, as for example in England and Wales, Norway and Sweden. In other countries, among which beside Poland and Hungary also German Federal Republic and Switzerland should be counted, the maximum degree of frequency of convictions concerns various age groups of adults in the young groups of age. Analysing frequency of convictions occurring in various areas of the country one can theoretically use two kinds of coefficients: calculated according to the place of crime perpetrated by the convicted person, and according to the place of residenoe of the convicted person. Differences, existing between estimates of frequency of delinquency based on these coefficients present themselves as follows: they are of no particular importance when all-country data are examined, they are of some slight importance in case of particular voivodships, of greater importance when frequency of convictions in town and oountry is being defined and of prirnary importance at estimating that frequency of convictions in town and country in particular voivodships and in most of the 22 largest towns in Poland. Coefficients, based on the data relating to the place of crime, indicated in many voivodships larger differences in the degree of frequency of convictions in town and country than the coefficients based on the data relating to the domicile of the convicted persons. Although the town becomes the place of crime much more often than the countryside, the difference between the "criminality" of the town and village dwellers is rather small. The extent of differences between estimates of frequency of convictions in town and country in particular voivodships based on both those coefficients proved to be correlated with the extent of daily travels to and from work in these voivodships. Also analogous differences between estimates of frequency of convictions in the 22 largest towns in Poland were connected with extent of daily travels to work. In 1951 the delinquency coefficient for adults in the town (14.7) was 86 per cent higher than in the countryside (8.0). In 1962 the coefficient in the town (18.1) was already only 41 per cent higher than in the countryside (12.8). The general increase of the frequency of convictions which occurred in the last twelve years period was more influenced by its changes in the coutryside than in the town. In the years 1959-1962 one out of 30-32 men and one out of 115-149 women was convicted in town, while one out of 39-44 men and one out of 189-256 women was convicted in the country. In 1960 every twentieth man at the age of 17-20 was convicted in town. The frequency of convictions of 17-20 year olds definiteiy dominated over the frequency of convictions of other groups of adults only in the case of men in towns; as regards men in the countryside that preponderance was slight. In towns the frequency of convictions of women aged 17-20 was somewhat lower than of those aged 21-24 and in the country definitely lower than the frequency of convictions of all older women (even 45-49 years old). In 1960 the delinquency coefficient for men (29.2) was 4.4 times higher than the delinquency coefficient for women (6.6) and the differences in frequency of convicted men and women were smaller in town than in the country. Largest diffenences in the frequency of convictions of men and women were noted among those aged 17-20, convicted for offences committed in the country, and the smallest occurred among the oldest convicted who committed offences on the town. Differences in the frequency of convictions between town and country as well as between men and women, were smaller in western and northern territories than in the remaining areas of the country. Also the delinquency coefficients were higher in western and northern territories than in other areas. A proper analysis of factors determining differences in the frequency of convictions of adults in different areas is particularly complicated. It seems that putting forward and verifying the hypotheses which explain the constantly occurring differences in coefficients calculated for particular voivodships, ought to take place not in connection with an analysis of data relating to all convicted adults jointly but separately for those convicted for certain categories or groups of offences, separately for men and women and separately for different age groups. A relationship has been ascertained in the regional distribution of men and women delinquency, and that in all age groups; it was very strong regarding the relatively younger convicted (viz. higher, medium and lower degree of the frequency of convictions regarding both men and women appeared as a rule in the same voivodships). That relationship was weaker in the older groups. An analysis of the regional repartition of the frequency of convictions of men convicted in different age groups has shown that this repartition was most similar in case of persons belonging to the neighbouring age groups and diminished in those farther apart. As regards persons aged 60 and over this repartition somewhat differed from that encountered in other age groups. The same correlations even more strongly marked, applied also to women. Taking into consideration coefficients for the total of adults, it has been stated that in the years 1951, 1955, 1957 and 1960 a relatively higher degree of frequency of convictions continually appeared in western territories and in the Katowice voivodship (moreover, in Warsaw and Łódź). Also relationships between the regional differentiation of frequency of convictions and migration of the population have been established, their appearance being due both to the last war and its consequences as well as to the industrialization and urbanization of the country. The distribution of frequency of convictions (in particular voivodships) contains statistical tables concerning, among others, the structure of dela statistically significant similarity. Numerous statistical tables concerning questions briefly outlined in the sumrnary are included in the text of the author's work. The annex contains statistical tables concerning among others, the structure of deliquency and recidivism.

6

AGONISTICKÝ TÓN AKO PREJAV RITUALÁLNEJ INICIÁCIE HRDINOV FOLKLÓRNEJ PRÓZY

75%

Gábor Ľ. G.

Conversatoria Litteraria

|

2017

|

vol. 11

|

issue XI

285-292

SL

The presented article attempts to explain the actions of heroes in folk tales as mani-festation of their ritual initiation progress. This paper concludes with suggestion that the young and underestimated heroes have to pass a fight with an enemy of old age. With his defeating the hero finishes his own initiation and becomes a stable component of social hierarchy in the world of folk tales.

7

THE CHARACTER OF SAINT JOSEPH – IN THE SERVICE OF CHRISTIAN EDUCATION?

75%

Zellma A.

Forum Teologiczne

|

2022

|

vol. 23

51-64

PL

Kluczowym słowem w opisie współczesnych przemian społecznych, kulturowych i religijnych wydaje się ponowoczesność, określana również mianem postmodernizmu lub późnej nowoczesności. W pierwszej części artykułu wskazano na kontekst społeczno-kulturowy i religijny, w którym dokonuje się wychowanie chrześcijańskie. Sformułowano również zasadnicze pytanie, czy w tak niekorzystnym kontekście postać św. Józefa może być jeszcze skutecznym wzorem osobowym dla współczesnego człowieka. Poszukując odpowiedzi na tak sformułowane pytanie, zwrócono uwagę na nauczanie papieży, koncentrując się przede wszystkim na dwóch dokumentach: Redemptoris custos Jana Pawła II i Patris corde papieża Franciszka. Wskazano, że ów ostatni dokument, dzięki swojej świeżości i egzystencjalnemu zmysłowi jego Autora, może być wskazówką, gdzie poszukiwać odpowiedzi na wyżej postawione pytanie. Gotowych rozwiązań, jak mówić dzisiaj o św. Józefie, by wychowanie chrześcijańskie nie stało się pustym i pozbawionym treści ogólnym moralnym toposem, z którego nic nie wynika, nie ma. Wychowanie chrześcijańskie inspirowane postacią św. Józefa jawi się bowiem jako zadanie przed wychowawcami każdego czasu, zwłaszcza przed tymi, którzy tę postać chcą ukazać jako żywy wzór osobowy dla swoich wychowanków.

EN

Post-modernity, also referred to as postmodernism or late modernity, is a keyword used to describe contemporary social, cultural and religious changes. The first part of the paper presents the socio-cultural and religious context in which Christian education is provided. A fundamental question was put: can the character of St. Joseph still be an effective role model for the contemporary world in such an adverse context. Papal teachings were used when seeking the answer to this question, with particular focus placed on two documents: Redemptoris custos by John Paul II and Patris corde by Pope Francis. It was pointed out that particularly the latter, owing to its fresh approach and existential sense of its author, can provide guidance on where one should seek the answer to this question. There are no ready solutions concerning the way of talking about St. Joseph, so that Christian education does not become an empty, contentless general moral topos, with no consequence. Christian education, inspired by the character of St. Joseph, is a task to be performed by tutors at all times, especially those who try to present him as a living role model for their pupils.

8

“Confessions of the Vietnamese” Facebook page: the intergenerational conflict of young Vietnamese migrants in the online space in the Czech Republic

75%

Lopatková M., Formánková L.

Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)

|

2022

|

vol. 109

|

issue 1

83-104

EN

“Confessions of the Vietnamese” is a Facebook community that creates a space for young Vietnamese migrants to get acquainted with each other, discuss their daily life experience, and share a wide range of emotions. Intergenerational conflict is present as a topic in approximately one-third of the posts on the “Confessions of the Vietnamese” page. Based on a qualitative analysis of these posts, we have determined what the conflict zones are, and we have uncovered the intergenerational problems between parents (first-generation migrants) and their children (1.5 generation and second-generation migrants), who are often seen by Czechs as the “model” minority. The language and cultural barrier between these children and their parents, as well as the parenting style of the Vietnamese, are some of the key factors causing distance and potential conflict among them. This often causes misunderstandings on the cultural level which lead to feelings of frustration and distance between the two generations of migrants.

9

Intergenerational Learning through the Use of ICT as a Tool with which to Reduce Early School Leaving among Immigrant Pupils

75%

Leek J., Rojek M.

Littera Scripta

|

2017

|

vol. 2

34-48

EN

The purpose of this study is to present intergenerational learning through the use of ICT (Information & Communications Technology) as a tool with which to reduce early school leaving among immigrant pupils. The first part builds on a review of current literature and contemporary assumptions about learning and intergenerational learning as a particular form of learning. The second part of the study presents the findings from a review of policies on reducing early school leaving among immigrant pupils in Europe. The conclusion focuses on putting forward recommendations for practice with regards to the use of ICT for intergenerational learning in order to improve the educational performance of immigrant pupils.

10

Tailor-made Identities: Problem Illustrated with the Example of Stories of Selected Literary Characters Based on the Liquid Modernity Concept by Zygmunt Bauman

75%

Józefowicz A.

Przegląd Pedagogiczny

|

2020

|

issue 1

116-135

EN

Referring to the concepts of liquid modernity by Bauman, in the text I will analyze the stories of selected characters of children’s and teenagers’ contemporary books who had to face the problems of happiness, consumption, responsibility and crisis of identity. To contrast the issue of getting rid of one’s “self” in the contemporary culture, I analyze the attitudes of literary characters immersed in the war reality, i.e., in the time when it was really “hectic” and when hiding one’s identity was absolutely necessary to survive.

11

Rekolekcje szkolne jako miejsce przeciwdziałania hejtowi internetowemu wśród młodzieży

63%

Zellma A., Wiszowaty E.

Studia Koszalińsko-Kołobrzeskie

|

2020

|

issue 27

421–436

PL

W działalności wychowawczej, którą Kościół podejmuje wśród młodzieży, ważne miejsce zajmują rekolekcje szkolne. To dlatego katechetycy i pastoraliści coraz częściej zwracają uwagę nie tylko na tradycyjne formy organizacji rekolekcji szkolnych, ale także na innowacje pedagogiczne. Słusznie za istotne uznają nawiązanie do doświadczeń młodzieży. Współcześnie każdy uczestnik rekolekcji szkolnych potrzebuje wsparcia w rozpoznawaniu, rozumieniu i rozwiązywaniu aktualnych problemów. Jednym z nich jest „hejt internetowy”. Młodzież bezpośrednio lub pośrednio styka się z tym zjawiskiem. Zgodnie z zasadą wierności Bogu i człowiekowi dobrze przeprowadzone rekolekcje szkolne są okazją do podejmowania różnych zagadnień związanych z hejtowaniem w Internecie. Pozwalają podejmować to zagadnienie w kontekście przykazania miłości Boga i bliźniego oraz wartości chrześcijańskich. Mogą motywować uczestników do zmiany myślenia i postępowania w kwestiach związanych z hejtem. Wymagają jednak – obok dobrze przepowiadanego słowa Bożego i jego aktualizacji – innowacyjnych inicjatyw wychowawczych, które służą zapobieganiu hejtowi internetowemu wśród młodzieży. W czasie rekolekcji szkolnych warto zorganizować m.in. spotkanie z psychologiem i policjantem oraz z osobami, które są dla młodych autorytetem. To właśnie osoba znacząca może zachęcić młodzież do akceptacji zasad życia chrześcijańskiego i ich respektowania w codziennym życiu, m.in. w przestrzeni wirtualnej.

EN

An important role in the educational activity of the Church for youth is played by school retreats. That is why catechism and pastoral scholars and practitioners are paying increasing attention not only to traditional forms of organisation of school retreats but also to educational innovations. They justifiably consider referring to young people’s experiences to be of significance. Nowadays, each participant in school retreats needs help to identify, understand, and solve topical problems; one of them is online hate. Young people face this phenomenon directly and indirectly. According to the principle of faithfulness in God and man, well-organised school retreats are an opportunity to tackle various issues related to online hate. They allow to discuss the problem in question in the context of Christian values as well as the commandment to love God and one’s neighbour. They can motivate participants to change the way of thinking and acting when it comes to hate. However, in addition to voicing the word of God and keeping it up to date, innovative educational initiatives are required to prevent online hate among the youth. During school retreats, it is worth organising sessions with, inter alia, psychologists, police officers or people who are role models for youth. For it is a role model who can encourage young people to embrace the rules of Christian life and follow them both in everyday life and on the internet.

12

Problemy edukacji seksualnej w Polsce

63%

Wejbert-Wąsiewicz E., Pęczkowska E.

Przegląd Socjologiczny

|

2009

|

vol. 58

|

issue 3

173-192

PL

W artykule opisano historię powstania i rozwoju a także współczesne problemy oświaty seksualnej w Polsce. Mimo, że minęło ponad sto lat od pierwszych społecznych akcji pionierów edukacji seksualnej, nadal temat ten budzi spory ideologiczno-polityczne. Wyniki różnych badań socjologicznych (w tym własnych) świadczą o tym, że szkoła polska nie prowadzi edukacji seksualnej, nie realizuje w wystarczającym stopniu zaleconych programów. Kwestia edukacji seksualnej jest sprawą polityczną, podobnie jak kwestia aborcji pojawia się w dyskursie politycznym w okresie przedwyborczych kampanii politycznych. Poprzez skuteczną edukację społeczną i seksualną można zapobiegać chorobom, niechcianym ciążom, aborcjom – dramatom życiowym. Niestety w Polsce ta kwestia wciąż jest marginalizowana. Istnieją trzy poważne problemy, które podtrzymują tą niekorzystną sytuację. Jest to ogólne tabu kulturowe nałożone na sferę seksualności ludzkiej, następnie „upolitycznienie” tej sfery, a w praktyce – brak dobrze przygotowanej kadry pedagogów do prowadzenia szkolnej edukacji seksualnej.

EN

The history development, evolution and problems of sexual education in Poland has been described in hereby article. Despite that since first social action of pioneer of sexual education till now over hundred years have passed, this theme still causes big political-ideologically disputes. The results of many sociological researches (including personal researches) give evidence that polish school does not provide sexual education and does not realise its program sufficiently. A sexual education is more a political matter as well as an abortion, which appears in political discussion during political campaign stage especially. The forceful social and sexual education to prevent the diseases, unwanted pregnancies, abortion – the vital drama. Unfortunately, in Poland this problem is still marginalized. There are three crucial reasons, which perpetuate such unfavourable state: social, cultural “tabu” of human sexuality “politicization” of human sexuality and, in practise, lack of fully-developed teaching body in sexual education.

13

Desert Island: the Inter-generational Experience through the Eyes of Young People

63%

Witczyńska E.

Rozprawy Społeczne

|

2015

|

vol. 9

|

issue 1

64-69

EN

Since the 1960s the popular culture discourse has set firm boundaries between age groups in the society. The domination of youth, disseminated by the mass media, has taken root in the western culture and the elderly have found themselves marginalised. As a result, the communication between the young and the old has been limited and the mutual perception of each other has become more and more negatively stereotypical, according to many researchers. This paper attempts to find out to what extent the aforementioned attitudes impinge on the consciousness of Polish young adults and in what terms they describe their relations with the elderly. In order to answer these questions, a writing task, describing an imaginary situation involving both the young and the old, was performed by a group of college students in Sandomierz aged 20-23. The compositions were analysed in search of age stereotypes, social role perceptions and communication modes between generations.

PL

Od lat sześćdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku kultura popularna stawia wyraźne granice pomiędzy grupami wiekowymi w społeczeństwie. Dominacja młodości, rozpowszechniana przez środki masowego przekazu, na dobre zagnieździła się w zachodniej kulturze, częstokroć marginalizując osoby w podeszłym wieku. W rezultacie, w opinii wielu badaczy, porozumienie między młodymi a starymi ulega ograniczeniu i przybiera coraz bardziej negatywnie nacechowane formy. Niniejszy artykuł próbuje stwierdzić, do jakiego stopnia wspomniane wyżej zjawiska odciskają się na świadomości polskich młodych dorosłych, oraz w jaki sposób opisują oni relacje z pokoleniem swych dziadków. Aby spróbować odpowiedzieć na te pytania, grupa słuchaczy Nauczycielskiego Kolegium Języków Obcych w Sandomierzu, w wieku 20 – 23 lata, została poproszona o napisanie wypracowania w języku angielskim, opisującego wyobrażoną sytuację, w której uczestniczyli młodzi i starzy ludzie. Wypracowania zostały przeanalizowane pod kątem obecności stereotypów związanych z wiekiem, przedstawienia ról społecznych oraz sposobów porozumiewania się pomiędzy pokoleniami.

14

The Use of Social Media by Young Georgians in Social and Political Activities to Support Ukraine

63%

Skiert-Andrzejuk K., Skiert M.

Polish Journal of Political Science

|

2023

|

vol. 9

|

issue 2

4-21

EN

The aim of the paper is to diagnose the use of social media (such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter) by young Georgians (understood as people aged 18-35) in social and political activities to support Ukraine in the context of the ongoing war. The authors assumed that young Georgians use social media to a large extent to support Ukraine as a kind of socio-political activity, thanks to which the attitudes of young people towards the war itself and Georgia's place in this conflict are visible. To meet the above research objective and verify the initial hypothesis, the following research methods were used: (1) the method of analysing existing data – a review of the literature representing Polish researchers was conducted regarding terminological and conceptual issues related to “social activity” and “political activity”; (2) a statistical method with the technique of analysing secondary statistical data collected by the Caucasian Research Resource Centre; (3) the method of qualitative analysis with the technique of researching new media, namely social media, which is currently an important source of information about young people. The research allowed for a preliminary analysis of the importance of this type of new media in socio-political activity undertaken by young people, especially in expressing their opinions and presenting attitudes. The article does not exhaust the selected subject; it is only a study that made the analysis of the meaning and topicality of this issue possible. Such recognition of the research area also provided the opportunity to find a number of empirical methods that can fill the research gap in the context of studying young Georgians, as well as the role of social media in their social and political life.

15

Suicide Probability in University Students

63%

Özel Y., Türkleş S., Erdoğan S.

Progress in Health Sciences

|

2015

|

vol. 5

|

issue 2

7-15

16

Święty Jan Paweł II – autorytet młodych

51%

Drożdż M.

Studia Socialia Cracoviensia

|

2016

|

vol. 8

|

issue 1

EN

This article is an attempt to analyze the authority of John Paul II, as seen from the perspective of young people. The basic condition for the authority is to live in the truth. Be an authority – to be recognized as an authority. The authority is above all value for others, and this is the essence of the moral authority: to be for other in goodness and truth. In this perspective, the good and truth we see the authority of John Paul II, the authority of the pilgrim, who became a witness for the people of God’s love, and this love of God attracted multitudes of young people during World Youth Day.

17

Miłosierdzie w nauczaniu papieża Franciszka

51%

Warchoł P.

Studia Nauk Teologicznych PAN

|

2020

|

issue 15

99-117

EN

The pontificate of Pope Francis is marked by the mystery of Divine mercy and its implementation. The Pope draws this truth from the Bible, testimonies of saints and the modern world, that is eager for mercy. Being concerned about the spiritual condition of believers, he calls the Church a “field hospital”, emphasizing its mission and takes. He wants to help modern man to reach God and read his calling. The announcement of the Extraordinary Year of Mercy serves this purpose, in which Pope Francis encourages believers to get to know better and accept the gift of mercy in their lives and to share it with needy brothers, especially the poor and the suffering. As part of the Year of Mercy, he proposes various pastoral initiatives, but above all, he reminds us to reconcile with God in the sacrament of penance and reconciliation and to receive an indulgence. The Pope asks everyone to be interested in this unique event because we all are responsible for each other. This is supported by the gospel image of the merciful God, who brings power to the weakest and conveys the hope that nobody is alone.

PL

Pontyfikat papieża Franciszka jest naznaczony tajemnicą miłosierdzia i wcielaniem jej w życie. Prawdę tę czerpie z Biblii, świadectwa świętych oraz współczesnego świata. Zatroskany o duchową kondycję wierzących nazywa Kościół „szpitalem polowym”, podkreślając jego misję i zadania. Chce pomóc współczesnemu człowiekowi w dotarciu do Boga i odczytania przez niego swego powołania. Służy temu ogłoszenie Nadzwyczajnego Roku Miłosierdzia, w którym zachęca wierzących, by potrafili lepiej poznać i przyjąć dar miłosierdzia do swego życia oraz podzielić się nim z potrzebującymi braćmi, szczególnie z ubogimi i cierpiącymi. W ramach Roku Miłosierdzia proponuje różnorodne inicjatywy duszpasterskie, ale przede wszystkim przypomina, by pojednać się z Bogiem w sakramencie pokuty i pojednania oraz dostąpić odpustu. Papież prosi, aby tym wydarzeniem zainteresowali się wszyscy, gdyż jedni są współodpowiedzialni za drugich. Służy temu ewangeliczny obraz miłosiernego Boga, który przynosi moc najsłabszym i przekazuje nadzieję, że nikt nie jest sam.

18

Rola rodziny w wyborach edukacyjno-zawodowych młodzieży

51%

GAŁĘSKA U.

Wychowanie w Rodzinie

|

2013

|

vol. VIII (2/2013)

265-282

PL

Świat i otaczająca nas rzeczywistość ulegają bardzo szybkim zmianom. Ażeby za nimi nadążyć, konieczne jest dokonywanie właściwych wyborów edukacyjno-zawodowych przez młodzież. Wybory te nie mogą być aktem jednorazowym. Dlatego też młodzi ludzie korzystają z potencjalnych możliwości wsparcia rodziny w procesie wyboru kierunku studiów, a w dalszej perspektywie zawodu. Wpływ rodziny na podejmowanie decyzji edukacyjno-zawodowych przez młodzież jest faktem bezspornym. Z tego powodu należy postawić pytania: Jaki jest udział rodziców w kształtowaniu przyszłej kariery młodego człowieka? Teoretyczne rozważania na ten temat są tylko częścią tego artykułu i stanowią podstawę do badań empirycznych na reprezentatywnej grupie studentów Karkonoskiej Państwowej Szkoły Wyższej w Jelenie Górze. Analiza literatury oraz wyników własnych badań pozwoli na sformułowanie określonych wniosków na temat rodziny – rodziców w wyborach dokonywanych przez młodzież w obszarze edukacyjnym dziś, a w dalszej perspektywie – kariery zawodowej.

EN

The world and the surrounding reality are subject to constant and rapid changes. To follow them, it is indispensable for young adults to make proper educational and professional choices. The choices should never be a single, one – try action and due to this young people take advantages of potential support in the selection of studies and, in a longer term, profession. That families influence young adults' educational and professional decisions is indisputable. Therefore, the questions arise: In what way does family affect the choices? What is the role of the family in shaping a young person’s future prefessional career? Theoretical considerations of the topic are a part of this paper and they stand for the basis of practical research on a representative group of Karkonoska Państwowa Szkoła Wyższa in Jelenia Góra students. The analysis of literature and the results of the research will enable up-to-date conclusions on the role of family in educational and professional choices of young adults within the field of education at present, and in a longer term – their professional career.

19

Historyczne i współczesne uwarunkowania ewangelizacji w diecezji Spira

51%

Herma J.

Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne

|

2018

|

vol. 27

|

issue 3

233-250

EN

The article discusses the issue of evangelization in the diocese of Speyer, which has existed since the Roman times. However, nowadays an “erosion of faith” can be observed in it. The causes can be traced back to the Reformation times. The principle of “cuius regio eius religio” meant that a choice of faith was not a personal one but it was determined by rulers. For centuries the local Church did not recognize witnesses of difficult times who could be shown as role models. For many generations the conscience of the faithful was insufficiently formed for personal responsibility. After the Second World War there was not enough moral evaluation related to the assessment of this history period and responsibility was not taken for the fault of the nation. The idea of pluralistic society made faith, sacraments relative as well as permanent decisions regarding the choice of marriage and priesthood. Despite a good financial situation of the Church defensive mentality and focus on adapting structures to the decreasing number of active participants in the Church’s life prevails. At the same time initiatives to deepen and renew the faith are undervalued and neglected. The article points out specific pastoral and liturgical activities aimed at returning to the sources of faith. Secularization cannot be seen only as a social and cultural process to which the Church is forced to surrender passively, reducing its structures.

20

Demographic Safety in Dolnośląskie Voievodeship in the Years 2010-2018

45%

ladysz i.

Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego

|

2019

|

vol. 13

|

issue 1

128-140

PL

Zjawiska demograficzne mają silny wpływ na rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy województwa dolnośląskiego. Szczególne znaczenie mają liczba i struktura ludności oraz poziom przyrostu rzeczywistego. Celem artykułu było przedstawienie zmian liczby ludności wpływających na poziom bezpieczeństwa demograficznego badanej jednostki na tle zmian zachodzących w kraju w latach 2010–2018. W celu uchwycenia podobieństw i różnic w strukturach przestrzennych posłużono się typologią demograficzną Webba oraz zastosowano trójkąta Osanna. Zastosowane metody pozwoliły na określenie typu demograficznego województwa dolnośląskiego oraz przyczyn pogłębienia się problemów demograficznych tego regionu, co będzie wpływało negatywnie na podaż pracy i możliwości dalszego rozwoju województwa.

EN

Demographic phenomena have a major impact on the socio-economic development of Dolnośląskie Voivodeship. The number and structure of the population and the level of the actual increase are of special importance. The objective of this article was to show population changes affecting the level of demographic safety in a given unit against the changes taking place in Poland in the years 2010–2018. The demographic typology by Webb and Osanna triangle was used to capture the similarities and differences in the spatial structure. The methods used allowed to determine the demographic type of Dolnośląskie Voivodship and the reasons for the deepening demographic problems of the region, which will have a negative impact on the labor supply and opportunities for further development of the voivodship.

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