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Kwartalnik Historyczny
|
2023
|
vol. 130
|
issue 1
51-82
EN
After the end of the First World War in 1918, and with the start of the Paris Peace Conference, the United States, to establish permanent peace in Europe, became involved in settlement of European territorial questions, recognised in universalist, transnational terms. The problem of Upper Silesia, a disputed region between restored Poland and defeated Germany, was estimated by the US administration from a liberal internationalist perspective, which assumed to develop a supranational political and economic community.
PL
Po zakończeniu I wojny światowej w 1918 r., w czasie paryskiej konferencji pokojowej, Stany Zjednoczone, dążąc do ustanowienia w Europie trwałego pokoju, zaangażowały się w uregulowanie europejskich kwestii terytorialnych. Uznawano je bowiem za problem o powszechnym, ponadnarodowym wymiarze. Kwestia Górnego Śląska, dzieląca wówczas Polskę i Niemcy, oceniana był przez administrację amerykańską z perspektywy liberalnego internacjonalizmu, zakładającego budowę ponadnarodowej wspólnoty politycznej i gospodarczej.
EN
The article deals with Polish borders and territorial issues seen from the perspective of the United States Ambassador to Poland Anthony J. Drexel Biddle’s contacts with the government of Wladyslaw Sikorski in 1941–1943. The aim of the article is to present, on the basis of American and Polish archival materials, the American assessment of Polish border issues, as well as the expectations of the Polish government towards the United States and Western allies regarding territorial issues, particularly against the background of the Polish-Soviet relations evolving since 1941. The conducted research allows us to conclude that Sikorski’s government, which revealed to Biddle its readiness to compromise with the Soviets, could not count on support, let alone a guarantee from the United States that the pre-war shape of the Polish-Soviet border would be maintained.
EN
Because 20:30-31 pulls together John’s themes of witness, faith, and signs so fully, it is best to regard this conclusion as a point of departure for analyzing of the phenomenon of faith and bearing witness to Jesus. W 1:19-28 John negatively testifies that he himself is not the eschatological king, Elijah, or the Mosaic pro-phet, but that one whose slave he was not worthy to be was already among them. In 1:29-34, he positively testifies that Jesus in the lamb, and he recognized his identity as Son of God (1:34) and Spirit-bringer (1:33) because the Spirit was on Jesus (1:32-33). The “next day” provides a transition to a new christological con-fession to John’s disciples. In view of Gospel’s penchant for double entendre, that the Baptist saw Jesus “coming” (ἐρχόμενον) to him (1:29) may suggest a narrative confirmation of the one “coming” (ἐρχόμενος) after John (1:27).
Verbum Vitae
|
2017
|
vol. 32
491-498
EN
Book review:  Tomasz Zaklukiewicz, Nieśmiertelność sprawiedliwych. Idea nieśmiertelności sprawiedliwych w Księdze Mądrości (Bibliotheca biblica; Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Wrocławskiej Księgarni Archidiecezjalnej „Tum” 2017). Ss. 320. PLN 59,90. ISBN 978-83-7454-400-9
PL
Recenzja książki:  Tomasz Zaklukiewicz, Nieśmiertelność sprawiedliwych. Idea nieśmiertelności sprawiedliwych w Księdze Mądrości (Bibliotheca biblica; Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Wrocławskiej Księgarni Archidiecezjalnej „Tum” 2017). Ss. 320. PLN 59,90. ISBN 978-83-7454-400-9
Collectanea Theologica
|
2018
|
vol. 88
|
issue 3
39-75
EN
The author shows how the Jewish community in Jerusalem is scrupulousabout their own religion and their allegiance to God and His Temple. On theother hand, 2 Macc reveals a Hellenistic orientation by viewing the Templeas that of the city, as is shown by the progression city-place-Temple (cf. 3:1-3)and by reference to the high priest of the city (cf. 3:9).Our section (3:14-22) focuses on the author’s intention to involve theauditorium in the action, as he highlights the tragic emotion experienced.The classification of roles in the description of the population of the cityis interesting. The priests in their formal attire form a distinct group withthe greatest attention (two verses) given to describing the grief of the highpriest. The males participate in the public supplication (3:18), while themarried women express their grief with bared breasts and sackcloth aroundtheir waists, symbolising their role as child-bearers.The unified narrative conforms to the general pattern of a deity’s defenceof his temple: attackers approach, the defenders ask the deity for help and thedeity responds. There are many examples of this type of narrative such asthe defence of Delphi by Apollo against marauding Persians in 480 B.C.E.,the story told by Herodotus (8:35-39).
EN
The expression of Jewish identity in national and political terms is found in a wide range of writings and literary genres. The form which lent itself most readily to this purpose was undoubtedly history writing. History, as the story of the people’s past and origin, had always been highly valued in Judaism. Much of the biblical material has a “history-like” character in the sense that it tells the story of the people within a chronological framework. In the Hellenistic age the Jews had a new reason to retell the story of their past. The spread of Hellenism under Alexander the Great and his successors was accompanied, at least initially, by considerable Greek curiosity about the strange peoples of the East. A number of writers, such as Hecataeus of Abdera, Demetrius, Artapanus, Pseudo-Hecataeus and Eupolemus, attempted to satisfy it. They did express themselves in forms which might have been accessible to the Greeks.We may distinguish three main approaches to the past in the Jewish Hellenistic literature: the Septuagint as an example of religion work, chronicles and the historical romances, the epic and philosophical poets.
PL
Od początku urzędowania administracji prezydenta Johna F. Kennedy’ego w 1961 r. relacje amerykańsko-kubańskie postrzegane były w kontekście dynamiki zimnej wojny, programu Sojusz dla Postępu oraz stosunków z krajami Trzeciego Świata. Po kryzysie rakietowym Waszyngton starał się ustanowić modus vivendi w relacjach z rządem Fidela Castro oczekując zarazem pomocy ZSRR w powstrzymywaniu kubańskiej polityki inspirowania rewolucji w państwach latynoamerykańskich. Natomiast na początku lat 70. Stany Zjednoczone próbowały włączyć Hawanę w ramy détente między Wschodem i Zachodem i w proces poprawy stosunków z krajami Ameryki Łacińskiej, co przyczyniło się jednak do wzrostu międzynarodowej pozycji Kuby i umocnienia jej sojuszu z Moskwą, jednakże między USA i Kubą ustanowione zostało trwałe, choć pełne napięć, polityczne współistnienie.
EN
Since the beginning of John F. Kennedy administration in 1961 the U.S. contacts with Cuba were perceived in the context of Cold War dynamics, the Alliance for Progress and the policy toward the Third World. After the Missile Crisis Washington drifted toward modus vivendi with the Fidel Castro government while at the same time the U.S. expected the USSR to help contain Cuban-inspired revolutions in Latin America. In the early 1990s the United States aimed to engage Havana in the East-West détente framework and in the efforts to improve relations with Latin American countries therefore significantly contributed to the growing international position of Cuba and strengthened the Soviet-Cuban alliance however leading to the permanent, but still tense, political coexistence between the U.S. and Cuba.
EN
The paper presents the general characteristics of the monthly, seasonal and annual course of atmospheric pressure in Lublin for the years 1951–2010.Some data used comes from UMCS Meteorological Observatory located in the centre of Lublin. Measurements were performed using a mercury barometer located in the building at a height of 206.4 m and 11.1 m above the ground, three times a day, at 7.00, 13.00 and 21.00 local solar average time.Annual, seasonal and monthly mean values of atmospheric pressure at the station level were calculated. Also values of deviations from the long–term values of average pressure were calculated.Long–term average atmospheric pressure in Lublin in the years 1951–2010 was 991.5 hPa. This value varied from 989.0 hPa in 2010 to 994.2 hPa in 1953. The annual highest average monthly value was recorded in October and the lowest in April. The range of average monthly variation is 5.2 hPa. The highest monthly range of variation was in December – 27.5 hPa and in February (22.8 hPa), and the lowest in June – 8.2 hPa and in September – 9.9 hPa.As far as different seasons of the year are concerned, the highest average pressure values were recorded in autumn and winter. In spring and summer, these values were similar and the lowest as well.Pressure values and their changes during the year depend on the position and the level of activity the main centres of the atmosphere pressure in Europe.
PL
Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim.
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